the writings-6-第75章
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And all this; as before said; may be among honest men only。 But this
is not all。 Every foul bird comes abroad; and every dirty reptile
rises up。 These add crime to confusion。 Strong measures deemed
indispensable; but harsh at best; such men make worse by
maladministration。 Murders for old grudges; and murders for self;
proceed under any cloak that will best serve for the occasion。
These causes amply account for what has occurred in Missouri; without
ascribing it to the weakness or wickedness of any general。 The
newspaper files; those chroniclers of current events; will show that
the evils now complained of were quite as prevalent under Fremont;
Hunter; Halleck; and Curtis; as under Schofield。 If the former had
greater force opposed to them; they also had greater force with which
to meet it。 When the organized rebel army left the State; the main
Federal force had to go also; leaving the department commander at
home relatively no stronger than before。 Without disparaging any; I
affirm with confidence that no commander of that department has; in
proportion to his means; done better than General Schofield。
The first specific charge against General Schofield is; that the
enrolled militia was placed under his command; whereas it had not
been placed under the command of General Curtis。 The fact is; I
believe; true; but you do not point out; nor can I conceive; how that
did; or could; injure loyal men or the Union cause。
You charge that; General Curtis being superseded by General
Schofield; Franklin A。 Dick was superseded by James O。 Broadhead as
Provost…Marshal General。 No very specific showing is made as to how
this did or could injure the Union cause。 It recalls; however; the
condition of things; as presented to me; which led to a change of
commander of that department。
To restrain contraband intelligence and trade; a system of searches;
seizures; permits; and passes; had been introduced; I think; by
General Fremont。 When General Halleck came; he found and continued
the system; and added an order; applicable to some parts of the
State; to levy and collect contributions from noted rebels; to
compensate losses and relieve destitution caused by the rebellion。
The action of General Fremont and General Halleck; as stated;
constituted a sort of system which General Curtis found in full
operation when he took command of the department。 That there was a
necessity for something of the sort was clear; but that it could only
be justified by stern necessity; and that it was liable to great
abuse in administration; was equally clear。 Agents to execute it;
contrary to the great prayer; were led into temptation。 Some might;
while others would not; resist that temptation。 It was not possible
to hold any to a very strict accountability; and those yielding to
the temptation would sell permits and passes to those who would pay
most and most readily for them; and would seize property and collect
levies in the aptest way to fill their own pockets。 Money being the
object; the man having money; whether loyal or disloyal; would be a
victim。 This practice doubtless existed to some extent; and it was;
a real additional evil that it could be; and was; plausibly charged
to exist in greater extent than it did。
When General Curtis took command of the department; Mr。 Dick; against
whom I never knew anything to allege; had general charge of this
system。 A controversy in regard to it rapidly grew into almost
unmanageable proportions。 One side ignored the necessity and
magnified the evils of the system; while the other ignored the evils
and magnified the necessity; and each bitterly assailed the other。 I
could not fail to see that the controversy enlarged in the same
proportion as the professed Union men there distinctly took sides in
two opposing political parties。 I exhausted my wits; and very nearly
my patience also; in efforts to convince both that the evils they
charged on each other were inherent in the case; and could not be
cured by giving either party a victory over the other。
Plainly; the irritating system was not to be perpetual; and it was
plausibly urged that it could be modified at once with advantage。
The case could scarcely be worse; and whether it could be made better
could only be determined by a trial。 In this view; and not to ban or
brand General Curtis; or to give a victory to any party; I made the
change of commander for the department。 I now learn that soon after
this change Mr。 Dick was removed; and that Mr。 Broadhead; a gentleman
of no less good character; was put in the place。 The mere fact of
this change is more distinctly complained of than is any conduct of
the new officer; or other consequence of the change。
I gave the new commander no instructions as to the administration of
the system mentioned; beyond what is contained in the private letter
afterwards surreptitiously published; in which I directed him to act
solely for the public good; and independently of both parties。
Neither any thing you have presented me; nor anything I have
otherwise learned; has convinced me that he has been unfaithful to
this charge。
Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing General Schofield; and
the late massacre at Lawrence; Kansas; is pressed as evidence of that
imbecility。 To my mind that fact scarcely tends to prove the
proposition。 That massacre is only an example of what Grierson; John
Morgan; and many others might have repeatedly done on their
respective raids; had they chosen to incur the personal hazard; and
possessed the fiendish hearts to do it。
The charge is made that General Schofield; on purpose to protect the
Lawrence murderers; would not allow them to be pursued into Missouri。
While no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for those
murderers; I am well satisfied that the preventing of the threatened
remedial raid into Missouri was the only way to avoid an
indiscriminate massacre there; including probably more innocent than
guilty。 Instead of condemning; I therefore approve what I understand
General Schofield did in that respect。
The charges that General Schofield has purposely withheld protection
from loyal people and purposely facilitated the objects of the
disloyal are altogether beyond my power of belief。 I do not arraign
the veracity of gentlemen as to the facts complained of; but I do
more than question the judgment which would infer that those facts
occurred in accordance with the purposes of General Schofield。
With my present views; I must decline to remove General Schofield。
In this I decide nothing against General Butler。 I sincerely wish it
were convenient to assign him a suitable command。 In order to meet
some existing evils I have addressed a letter of instructions to
General Schofield; a copy of which I enclose to you。
As to the enrolled militia; I shall endeavor to ascertain better than
I now know what is its exact value。 Let me say now; however; that
your proposal to substitute national forces for the enrolled militia
implies that in your judgment the latter is doing something which
needs to be done; and if so; the proposition to throw that force away
and to supply its place by bringing other forces from the field where
they are urgently needed seems to me very extraordinary。 Whence
shall they come? Shall they be withdrawn from Banks; or Grant; or
Steele; or Rosecrans? Few things have been so grateful to my anxious
feelings as when; in June last; the local force in Missouri aided
General Schofield to so promptly send a large general force to the
relief of General Grant; then investing Vicksburg and menaced from
without by General Johnston。 Was this all wrong? Should the
enrolled militia then have been broken up and General Herron kept
from Grant to police Missouri? So far from finding cause to object;
I confess to a sympathy for whatever relieves our general force in
Missouri a