the writings-6-第23章

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A。　LINCOLN。










TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　G。　B。　McCLELLAN。



WASHINGTON　CITY；　D。C。；　September　12；　1862。　　5。45　PM



MAJOR…GENERAL　McCLELLAN：



Governor　Curtin　telegraphs　me：

〃I　have　advices　that　Jackson　is　crossing　the　Potomac　at　Wiliiamsport；

and　probably　the　whole　rebel　army　will　be　down　from　Maryland。〃



Receiving　nothing　from　Harper's　Ferry　or　Martinsburg　to…day；　and

positive　information　from　Wheeling　that　the　line　is　cut；　corroborates

the　idea　that　the　enemy　is　crossing　the　Potomac。　　Please　do　not　let

him　get　off　without　being　hurt。



A。　LINCOLN。



＇But　he　did！　　D。W。＇









REPLY　TO　A　COMMITTEE　FROM　THE　RELIGIOUS　DENOMINATIONS　　OF　　CHICAGO；

ASKING　　THAT　THE　PRESIDENT　ISSUE　A　PROCLAMATION　OF　EMANCIPATION。



September　13；1862。



The　subject　presented　in　the　memorial　is　one　upon　which　I　have

thought　much　for　weeks　past；　and　I　may　even　say　for　months。　　I　am

approached　with　the　most　opposite　opinions　and　advice；　and　that　by

religious　men；　who　are　equally　certain　that　they　represent　the　Divine

will。　　I　am　sure　that　either　the　one　or　the　other　class　is　mistaken

in　that　belief；　and　perhaps　in　some　respects　both。　　I　hope　it　will

not　be　irreverent　for　me　to　say　that　if　it　is　probable　that　God　would

reveal　his　will　to　others；　on　a　point　so　connected　with　my　duty；　it

might　be　supposed　he　would　reveal　it　directly　to　me；　for；　unless　I　am

more　deceived　in　myself　than　I　often　am；　it　is　my　earnest　desire　to

know　the　will　of　Providence　in　this　matter。　　And　if　I　can　learn　what

it　is　I　will　do　it！　　These　are　not；　however；　the　days　of　miracles；

and　I　suppose　it　will　be　granted　that　I　am　not　to　expect　a　direct

revelation。　　I　must　study　the　plain　physical　facts　of　the　case；

ascertain　what　is　possible；　and　learn　what　appears　to　be　wise　and

right。



The　subject　is　difficult；　and　good　men　do　not　agree。　　For　instance；

the　other　day；　four　gentlemen　of　standing　and　intelligence　from　New

York　called　as　a　delegation　on　business　connected　with　the　war；　but

before　leaving　two　of　them　earnestly　besought　me　to　proclaim　general

emancipation；　upon　which　the　other　two　at　once　attacked　them。　　You

know　also　that　the　last　session　of　Congress　had　a　decided　majority　of

antislavery　men；　yet　they　could　not　unite　on　this　policy。　　And　the

same　is　true　of　the　religious　people。　　Why；　the　rebel　soldiers　are

praying　with　a　great　deal　more　earnestness；　I　fear；　than　our　own

troops；　and　expecting　God　to　favor　their　side：　for　one　of　our

soldiers　who　had　been　taken　prisoner　told　Senator　Wilson　a　few　days

since　that　he　met　nothing　so　discouraging　as　the　evident　sincerity　of

those　he　was　among　in　their　prayers。　　But　we　will　talk　over　the

merits　of　the　case。



What　good　would　a　proclamation　of　emancipation　from　me　do；　especially

as　we　are　now　situated？　　I　do　not　want　to　issue　a　document　that　the

whole　world　will　see　must　necessarily　be　inoperative；　like　the　Pope's

bull　against　the　comet！　　Would　my　word　free　the　slaves；　when　I　cannot

even　enforce　the　Constitution　in　the　rebel　States？　　Is　there　a　single

court；　or　magistrate　or　individual　that　would　be　influenced　by　it

there？　　And　what　reason　is　there　to　think　it　would　have　any　greater

effect　upon　the　slaves　than　the　late　law　of　Congress；　which　I

approved；　and　which　offers　protection　and　freedom　to　the　slaves　of

rebel　masters　who　come　within　our　lines？　　Yet　I　cannot　learn　that

that　law　has　caused　a　single　slave　to　come　over　to　us。　　And　suppose

they　could　be　induced　by　a　proclamation　of　freedom　from　me　to　throw

themselves　upon　us；　what　should　we　do　with　them？　　How　can　we　feed　and

care　for　such　a　multitude？　　General　Butler　wrote　me　a　few　days　since

that　he　was　issuing　more　rations　to　the　slaves　who　have　rushed　to　him

than　to　all　the　white　troops　under　his　command。　　They　eat；　and　that

is　all；　though　it　is　true　General　Butler　is　feeding　the　whites　also

by　the　thousand；　for　it　nearly　amounts　to　a　famine　there。　　If；　now；

the　pressure　of　the　war　should　call　off　our　forces　from　New　Orleans

to　defend　some　other　point；　what　is　to　prevent　the　masters　from

reducing　the　blacks　to　slavery　again？　　for　I　am　told　that　whenever

the　rebels　take　any　black　prisoners；　free　or　slave；　they　immediately

auction　them　off。　　They　did　so　with　those　they　took　from　a　boat　that

was　aground　in　the　Tennessee　River　a　few　days　ago。　　And　then　I　am

very　ungenerously　attacked　for　it！　　For　instance；　when；　after　the

late　battles　at　and　near　Bull　Run；　an　expedition　went　out　from

Washington　under　a　flag　of　truce　to　bury　the　dead　and　bring　in　the

wounded；　and　the　rebels　seized　the　blacks　who　went　along　to　help；　and

sent　them　into　slavery；　Horace　Greeley　said　in　his　paper　that　the

government　would　probably　do　nothing　about　it。　　What　could　I　do？



Now；　then；　tell　me；　if　you　please；　what　possible　result　of　good　would

follow　the　issuing　of　such　a　proclamation　as　you　desire？　　Understand；

I　raise　no　objections　against　it　on　legal　or　constitutional　grounds；

for；　as　commander…in…chief　of　the　army　and　navy；　in　time　of　war　I

suppose　I　have　a　right　to　take　any　measure　which　may　best　subdue　the

enemy；　nor　do　I　urge　objections　of　a　moral　nature；　in　view　of

possible　consequences　of　insurrection　and　massacre　at　the　South。　　I

view　this　matter　as　a　practical　war　measure；　to　be　decided　on

according　to　the　advantages　or　disadvantages　it　may　offer　to　the

suppression　of　the　rebellion。



I　admit　that　slavery　is　the　root　of　the　rebellion；　or　at　least　its

sine　qua　non。　　The　ambition　of　politicians　may　have　instigated　them

to　act；　but　they　would　have　been　impotent　without　slavery　as　their

instrument。　　I　will　also　concede　that　emancipation　would　help　us　in

Europe；　and　convince　them　that　we　are　incited　by　something　more　than

ambition。　　I　grant；　further；　that　it　would　help　somewhat　at　the

North；　though　not　so　much；　I　fear；　as　you　and　those　you　represent

imagine。　　Still；　some　additional　strength　would　be　added　in　that　way

to　the　war；　and　then；　unquestionably；　it　would　weaken　the　rebels　by

drawing　off　their　laborers；　which　is　of　great　importance；　but　I　am

not　so　sure　we　could　do　much　with　the　blacks。　　If　we　were　to　arm

them；　I　fear　that　in　a　few　weeks　the　arms　would　be　in　the　hands　of

the　rebels；　and；　indeed；　thus　far　we　have　not　had　arms　enough　to

equip　our　white　troops。　　I　will　mention　another　thing；　though　it　meet

only　your　scorn　and　contempt。　　There　are　fifty　thousand　bayonets　in

the　Union　armies　from　the　border　slave　States。　　It　would　be　a　serious

matter　if；　in　consequence　of　a　proclamation　such　as　you　desire；　they

should　go　over　to　the　rebels。　　I　do　not　think　they　all　wouldnot　so

many；　indeed；　as　a　year　ago；　or　as　six　months　agonot　so　many　to…day

as　yesterday。　　Every　day　increases　their　Union　feeling。　　They　are

also　getting　their　pride　enlisted；　and　want　to　beat　the　rebels。　　Let

me　say　one　thing　more：　　I　think　you　should　admit　that　we　already　have

an　important　principle　to　rally　and　unite　the　people；　in　the　fact

that　constitutional　government　is　at　stake。　　This　is　a　fundamental

idea　going　down　about　as　deep　as　anything。



Do　not　misunderstand　me　because　I　have　mentioned　these　objections。

They　indicate　the　difficulties　that　have　thus　far　prevented　my　action

in　some　such　way　as　you　desire。　　I　have　not　decided　against　a

proclamation　of　liberty　to　the　slaves；　but　hold　the　matter　under

advisement；　and　I　can　assure　you　that　the　subject　is　on　my　mind；　by

day　and　night；　more　than　any　other。　　Whatever　shall　appear　to　be

God's　will；　I　will　do。　　I　trust　that　in　the　freedom　with　which　I　have

canvassed　your　views　I　have　not　in　any　respect　injured　your　feelings。









TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　H。　G。　WRIGHT。



WAR　DEPARTMENT；　WASHINGTON；　D。　C。；　September　14；　1862。



GENERAL　WRIGHT；　Cincinnati；　Ohio：



Thanks　for　your　despatch。　　Can　you　not　pursue　the　retreating　enemy；

and　relieve　Cumberland　Gap？



A。　LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　G。　B。　McCLELLAN。



WAR　DEPARTMENT；　WASHINGTON；