the writings-6-第16章

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is　doing　valuable　service　to　the　government。　　For　the　patriotic　act

of　making　this　magnificent　and　valuable　present　to　the　country　I

recommend　that　some　suitable　acknowledgment　be　made。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









MESSAGE　TO　CONGRESS。



July　17；　1862。



FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　SENATE　AND　HOUSE　OF

REPRESENTATIVES：



Considering　the　bill　for　〃An　act　to　suppress　insurrection；　to　punish

treason　and　rebellion；　to　seize　and　confiscate　the　property　of

rebels；　and　for　other　purposes；〃　and　the　joint　resolution　explanatory

of　said　act　as　being　substantially　one；　I　have　approved　and　signed

both。



Before　I　was　informed　of　the　passage　of　the　resolution　I　had　prepared

the　draft　of　a　message　stating　objections　to　the　bill　becoming　a　law；

a　copy　of　which　draft　is　herewith　transmitted。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES：



I　herewith　return　to　your　honorable　body；　in　which　it　originated；　the

bill　for　an　act　entitled　〃An　act　to　suppress　treason　and　rebellion；

to　seize　and　confiscate　the　property　of　rebels；　and　for　other

purposes；〃　together　with　my　objections　to　its　becoming　a　law。



There　is　much　in　the　bill　to　which　I　perceive　no　objection。　　It　is

wholly　prospective；　and　touches　neither　person　nor　property　of　any

loyal　citizen；　in　which　particulars　it　is　just　and　proper。　　The　first

and　second　sections　provide　for　the　conviction　and　punishment　of

persons　Who　shall　be　guilty　of　treason　and　persons　who　shall　〃incite；

set　on　foot；　assist；　or　　engage　in　any　rebellion　or　insurrection

against　the　authority　of　the　United　States　or　the　laws　thereof；　or

shall　give　aid　and　comfort　thereto；　or　shall　engage　in　or　give　aid

and　comfort　to　any　such　existing　rebellion　or　insurrection。〃　By　fair

construction　persons　within　these　sections　are　not　to　be　punished

without　regular　trials　in　duly　constituted　courts；　under　the　forms

and　all　the　substantial　provisions　of　law　and　of　the　Constitution

applicable　to　their　several　cases。　　To　this　I　perceive　no　objection；

especially　as　such　persons　would　be　within　the　general　pardoning

power　and　also　the　special　provision　for　pardon　and　amnesty　contained

in　this　act。



It　is　also　provided　that　the　slaves　of　persons　convicted　under　these

sections　shall　be　free。　　I　think　there　is　an　unfortunate　form　of

expression　rather　than　a　substantial　objection　in　this。　　It　is

startling　to　say　that　Congress　can　free　a　slave　within　a　State；　and

yet　if　it　were　said　the　ownership　of　the　slave　had　first　been

transferred　to　the　nation　and　that　Congress　had　then　liberated　him

the　difficulty　would　at　once　vanish。　　And　this　is　the　real　case。　　The

traitor　against　the　General　Government　forfeits　his　slave　at　least　as

justly　as　he　does　any　other　property；　and　he　forfeits　both　to　the

government　against　which　be　offends。　　The　government；　so　far　as　there

can　be　ownership；　thus　owns　the　forfeited　slaves；　and　the　question

for　Congress　in　regard　to　them　is；　〃Shall　they　be　made　free　or　be

sold　to　new　masters？〃　I　perceive　no　objection　to　Congress　deciding　in

advance　that　they　shall　be　free。　　　To　the　high　honor　of　Kentucky；　as

I　am　informed；　she　is　the　owner　of　some　slaves　by　escheat；　and　has

sold　none；　but　liberated　all。　　I　hope　the　same　is　true　of　some　other

States。　　Indeed；　I　do　not　believe　it　will　be　physically　possible　for

the　General　Government　to　return　persons　so　circumstanced　to　actual

slavery。　　I　believe　there　would　be　physical　resistance　to　it　which

could　neither　be　turned　aside　by　argument　nor　driven　away　by　force。

In　this　view　I　have　no　objection　to　this　feature　of　the　bill。

Another　matter　involved　in　these　two　sections；　and　running　through

other　parts　of　the　act；　will　be　noticed　hereafter。



I　perceive　no　objection　to　the　third　or　fourth　sections。



So　far　as　I　wish　to　notice　the　fifth　and　sixth　sections；　they　may　be

considered　together。　　That　the　enforcement　of　these　sections　would　do

no　injustice　to　the　persons　embraced　within　them；　is　clear。　　That

those　who　make　a　causeless　war　should　be　compelled　to　pay　the　cost　of

it；　is　too　obviously　just　to　be　called　in　question。　　To　give

governmental　protection　to　the　property　of　persons　who　have　abandoned

it；　and　gone　on　a　crusade　to　overthrow　the　same　government；　is

absurd；　if　considered　in　the　mere　light　of　justice。　　The　severest

justice　may　not　always　be　the　best　policy。　　The　principle　of　seizing

and　appropriating　the　property　of　the　persons　embraced　within　these

sections　is　certainly　not　very　objectionable；　but　a　justly

discriminating　application　of　it　would　be　very　difficult　and；　to　a

great　extent；　impossible。　　And　would　it　not　be　wise　to　place　a　power

of　remission　somewhere；　so　that　these　persons　may　know　they　have

something　to　lose　by　persisting　and　something　to　gain　by　desisting？



＇A　man　without　hope　is　a　most　dangerous　manhe　has　nothing　to　lose！＇



I　am　not　sure　whether　such　power　of　remission　is　or　is　not　in　section

thirteen。　　Without　any　special　act　of　Congress；　I　think　our　military

commanders；　whenin　military　phrase；　〃they　are　within　the　enemy's

country；〃　should；　in　an　orderly　manner；　seize　and　use　whatever　of

real　or　personal　property　may　be　necessary　or　convenient　for　their

commands；　at　the　same　time　preserving；　in　some　way；　the　evidence　of

what　they　do。



What　I　have　said　in　regard　to　slaves；　while　commenting　on　the　first

and　second　sections；　is　applicable　to　the　ninth；　with　the　difference

that　no　provision　is　made　in　the　whole　act　for　determining　whether　a

particular　individual　slave　does　or　does　not　fall　within　the　classes

defined　in　that　section。　　He　is　to　be　free　upon　certain　conditions

but　whether　those　conditions　do　or　do　not　pertain　to　him　no　mode　of

ascertaining　is　provided。　　This　could　be　easily　supplied。



To　the　tenth　section　I　make　no　objection。　　The　oath　therein　required

seems　to　be　proper；　and　the　remainder　of　the　section　is　substantially

identical　with　a　law　already　existing。



The　eleventh　section　simply　assumes　to　confer　discretionary　power

upon　the　executive。　　　Without　the　law；　I　have　no　hesitation　to　go　as

far　in　the　direction　indicated　as　I　may　at　any　time　deem　expedient。

And　I　am　ready　to　say　nowI　think　it　is　proper　for　our　military

commanders　to　employ；　as　laborers；　as　many　persons　of　African　descent

as　can　be　used　to　advantage。



The　twelfth　and　thirteenth　sections　are　something　better　than

unobjectionable；　and　the　fourteenth　is　entirely　proper；　if　all　other

parts　of　the　act　shall　stand。



That　to　which　I　chiefly　object　pervades　most　parts　of　the　act；　but

more　distinctly　appears　in　the　first；　second；　seventh；　and　eighth

sections。　　It　is　the　sum　of　those　provisions　which　results　in　the

divesting　of　title　forever。



For　the　causes　of　treason　and　ingredients　of　treason；　not　amounting

to　the　full　crime；　it　declares　forfeiture　extending　beyond　the　lives

of　the　guilty　parties；　whereas　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States

declares　that　〃no　attainder　of　treason　shall　work　corruption　of　blood

or　forfeiture　except　during　the　life　of　the　person　attainted。〃　True；

there　is　to　be　no　formal　attainder　in　this　case；　still；　I　think　the

greater　punishment　cannot　be　constitutionally　inflicted；　in　a

different　form；　for　the　same　offence。



With　great　respect　I　am　constrained　to　say　I　think　this　feature　of

the　act　is　unconstitutional。　　It　would　not　be　difficult　to　modify　it。



I　may　remark　that　the　provision　of　the　Constitution；　put　in　language

borrowed　from　Great　Britain；　applies　only　in　this　country；　as　I

understand；　to　real　or　landed　estate。



Again；　this　act　in　rem　forfeits　property　for　the　ingredients　of

treason　without　a　conviction　of　the　supposed　criminal；　or　a　personal

hearing　given　him　in　any　proceeding。　　That　we　may　not　touch　property

lying　within　our　reach；　because　we　cannot　give　personal　notice　to　an

owner　who　is　absent　endeavoring　to　destroy　the　government；　is

certainly　not　satisfactory。　　Still；　the　owner　may　not