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on liberty-第5章

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practice。 Society has expended fully as much effort in the attempt



(according to its lights) to compel people to conform to its notions



of personal as of social excellence。 The ancient commonwealths thought



themselves entitled to practise; and the ancient philosophers



countenanced; the regulation of every part of private conduct by



public authority; on the ground that the State had a deep interest



in the whole bodily and mental discipline of every one of its



citizens; a mode of thinking which may have been admissible in small



republics surrounded by powerful enemies; in constant peril of being



subverted by foreign attack or internal commotion; and to which even a



short interval of relaxed energy and self…command might so easily be



fatal that they could not afford to wait for the salutary permanent



effects of freedom。 In the modern world; the greater size of political



communities; and; above all; the separation between spiritual and



temporal authority (which placed the direction of men's consciences in



other hands than those which controlled their worldly affairs);



prevented so great an interference by law in the details of private



life; but the engines of moral repression have been wielded more



strenuously against divergence from the reigning opinion in



self…regarding; than even in social matters; religion; the most



powerful of the elements which have entered into the formation of



moral feeling; having almost always been governed either by the



ambition of a hierarchy; seeking control over every department of



human conduct; or by the spirit of Puritanism。 And some of those



modern reformers who have placed themselves in strongest opposition to



the religions of the past; have been noway behind either churches or



sects in their assertion of the right of spiritual domination: M。



Comte; in particular; whose social system; as unfolded in his



Systeme de Politique Positive; aims at establishing (though by moral



more than by legal appliances) a despotism of society over the



individual; surpassing anything contemplated in the political ideal of



the most rigid disciplinarian among the ancient philosophers。



  Apart from the peculiar tenets of individual thinkers; there is also



in the world at large an increasing inclination to stretch unduly



the powers of society over the individual; both by the force of



opinion and even by that of legislation; and as the tendency of all



the changes taking place in the world is to strengthen society; and



diminish the power of the individual; this encroachment is not one



of the evils which tend spontaneously to disappear; but; on the



contrary; to grow more and more formidable。 The disposition of



mankind; whether as rulers or as fellow…citizens; to impose their



own opinions and inclinations as a rule of conduct on others; is so



energetically supported by some of the best and by some of the worst



feelings incident to human nature; that it is hardly ever kept under



restraint by anything but want of power; and as the power is not



declining; but growing; unless a strong barrier of moral conviction



can be raised against the mischief; we must expect; in the present



circumstances of the world; to see it increase。



  It will be convenient for the argument; if; instead of at once



entering upon the general thesis; we confine ourselves in the first



instance to a single branch of it; on which the principle here



stated is; if not fully; yet to a certain point; recognised by the



current opinions。 This one branch is the Liberty of Thought: from



which it is impossible to separate the cognate liberty of speaking and



of writing。 Although these liberties; to some considerable amount;



form part of the political morality of all countries which profess



religious toleration and free institutions; the grounds; both



philosophical and practical; on which they rest; are perhaps not so



familiar to the general mind; nor so thoroughly appreciated by many



even of the leaders of opinion; as might have been expected。 Those



grounds; when rightly understood; are of much wider application than



to only one division of the subject; and a thorough consideration of



this part of the question will be found the best introduction to the



remainder。 Those to whom nothing which I am about to say will be



new; may therefore; I hope; excuse me; if on a subject which for now



three centuries has been so often discussed; I venture on one



discussion more。



                              Chapter 2。



              Of the Liberty of Thought and Discussion。







  THE TIME; it is to be hoped; is gone by; when any defence would be



necessary of the 〃liberty of the press〃 as one of the securities



against corrupt or tyrannical government。 No argument; we may suppose;



can now be needed; against permitting a legislature or an executive;



not identified in interest with the people; to prescribe opinions to



them; and determine what doctrines or what arguments they shall be



allowed to hear。 This aspect of the question; besides; has been so



of and so triumphantly enforced by preceding writers; that it needs



not be specially insisted on in this place。 Though the law of England;



on the subject of the press; is as servile to this day as it was in



the time of the Tudors; there is little danger of its being actually



put in force against political discussion; except during some



temporary panic; when fear of insurrection drives ministers and judges



from their propriety;* and; speaking generally; it is not; in



constitutional countries; to be apprehended; that the government;



whether completely responsible to the people or not; will often



attempt to control the expression of opinion; except when in doing



so it makes itself the organ of the general intolerance of the public。



Let us suppose; therefore; that the government is entirely at one with



the people; and never thinks of exerting any power of coercion



unless in agreement with what it conceives to be their voice。 But I



deny the right of the people to exercise such coercion; either by



themselves or by their government。 The power itself is illegitimate。



The best government has no more title to it than the worst。 It is as



noxious; or more noxious; when exerted in accordance with public



opinion; than when in opposition to it。 If all mankind minus one



were of one opinion; and only one person were of the contrary opinion;



mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person;



than he; if he had the power; would be justified in silencing mankind。



Were an opinion a personal possession of no value except to the owner;



if to be obstructed in the enjoyment of it were simply a private



injury; it would make some difference whether the injury was inflicted



only on a few persons or on many。 But the peculiar evil of silencing



the expression of an opinion is; that it is robbing the human race;



posterity as well as the existing generation; those who dissent from



the opinion; still more than those who hold it。 If the opinion is



right; they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for



truth: if wrong; they lose; what is almost as great a benefit; the



clearer perception and livelier impression of truth; produced by its



collision with error。







  * These words had scarcely been written; when; as if to give them



an emphatic contradiction; occurred the Government Press



Prosecutions of 1858。 That ill…judged interference with the liberty of



public discussion has not; however; induced me to alter a single



word in the text; nor has it at all weakened my conviction that;



moments of panic excepted; the era of pains and penalties for



political discussion has; in our own country; passed away。 For; in the



first place; the prosecutions were not persisted in; and; in the



secon

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