on liberty-第36章
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by whom it shall be conducted; as those who are personally
interested in it。 This principle condemns the interferences; once so
common; of the legislature; or the officers of government; with the
ordinary processes of industry。 But this part of the subject has
been sufficiently enlarged upon by political economists; and is not
particularly related to the principles of this Essay。
The second objection is more nearly allied to our subject。 In many
cases; though individuals may not do the particular thing so well;
on the average; as the officers of government; it is nevertheless
desirable that it should be done by them; rather than by the
government; as a means to their own mental education… a mode of
strengthening their active faculties; exercising their judgment; and
giving them a familiar knowledge of the subjects with which they are
thus left to deal。 This is a principal; though not the sole;
recommendation of jury trial (in cases not political); of free and
popular local and municipal institutions; of the conduct of industrial
and philanthropic enterprises by voluntary associations。 These are not
questions of liberty; and are connected with that subject only by
remote tendencies; but they are questions of development。 It belongs
to a different occasion from the present to dwell on these things as
parts of national education; as being; in truth; the peculiar training
of a citizen; the practical part of the political education of a
free people; taking them out of the narrow circle of personal and
family selfishness; and accustoming them to the comprehension of joint
interests; the management of joint concerns… habituating them to act
from public or semi…public motives; and guide their conduct by aims
which unite instead of isolating them from one another。 Without
these habits and powers; a free constitution can neither be worked nor
preserved; as is exemplified by the too…often transitory nature of
political freedom in countries where it does not rest upon a
sufficient basis of local liberties。 The management of purely local
business by the localities; and of the great enterprises of industry
by the union of those who voluntarily supply the pecuniary means; is
further recommended by all the advantages which have been set forth in
this Essay as belonging to individuality of development; and diversity
of modes of action。 Government operations tend to be everywhere alike。
With individuals and voluntary associations; on the contrary; there
are varied experiments; and endless diversity of experience。 What
the State can usefully do is to make itself a central depository;
and active circulator and diffuser; of the experience resulting from
many trials。 Its business is to enable each experimentalist to benefit
by the experiments of others; instead of tolerating no experiments but
its own。
The third and most cogent reason for restricting the interference of
government is the great evil of adding unnecessarily to its power。
Every function superadded to those already exercised by the government
causes its influence over hopes and fears to be more widely
diffused; and converts; more and more; the active and ambitious part
of the public into hangers…on of the government; or of some party
which aims at becoming the government。 If the roads; the railways; the
banks; the insurance offices; the great joint…stock companies; the
universities; and the public charities; were all of them branches of
the government; if; in addition; the municipal corporations and
local boards; with all that now devolves on them; became departments
of the central administration; if the employes of all these
different enterprises were appointed and paid by the government; and
looked to the government for every rise in life; not all the freedom
of the press and popular constitution of the legislature would make
this or any other country free otherwise than in name。 And the evil
would be greater; the more efficiently and scientifically the
administrative machinery was constructed… the more skilful the
arrangements for obtaining the best qualified hands and heads with
which to work it。 In England it has of late been proposed that all the
members of the civil service of government should be selected by
competitive examination; to obtain for these employments the most
intelligent and instructed persons procurable; and much has been
said and written for and against this proposal。 One of the arguments
most insisted on by its opponents is that the occupation of a
permanent official servant of the State does not hold out sufficient
prospects of emolument and importance to attract the highest
talents; which will always be able to find a more inviting career in
the professions; or in the service of companies and other public
bodies。 One would not have been surprised if this argument had been
used by the friends of the proposition; as an answer to its
principal difficulty。 Coming from the opponents it is strange
enough。 What is urged as an objection is the safety…valve of the
proposed system。 If indeed all the high talent of the country could be
drawn into the service of the government; a proposal tending to
bring about that result might well inspire uneasiness。 If every part
of the business of society which required organised concert; or
large and comprehensive views; were in the hands of the government;
and if government offices were universally filled by the ablest men;
all the enlarged culture and practised intelligence in the country;
except the purely speculative; would be concentrated in a numerous
bureaucracy; to whom alone the rest of the community would look for
all things: the multitude for direction and dictation in all they
had to do; the able and aspiring for personal advancement。 To be
admitted into the ranks of this bureaucracy; and when admitted; to
rise therein; would be the sole objects of ambition。 Under this
regime; not only is the outside public ill…qualified; for want of
practical experience; to criticise or check the mode of operation of
the bureaucracy; but even if the accidents of despotic or the
natural working of popular institutions occasionally raise to the
summit a ruler or rulers of reforming inclinations; no reform can be
effected which is contrary to the interest of the bureaucracy。
Such is the melancholy condition of the Russian empire; as shown
in the accounts of those who have had sufficient opportunity of
observation。 The Czar himself is powerless against the bureaucratic
body; he can send any one of them to Siberia; but he cannot govern
without them; or against their will。 On every decree of his they
have a tacit veto; by merely refraining from carrying it into
effect。 In countries of more advanced civilisation and of a more
insurrectionary spirit; the public; accustomed to expect everything to
be done for them by the State; or at least to do nothing for
themselves without asking from the State not only leave to do it;
but even how it is to be done; naturally hold the State responsible
for all evil which befalls them; and when the evil exceeds their
amount of patience; they rise against the government; and make what is
called a revolution; whereupon somebody else; with or without
legitimate authority from the nation; vaults into the seat; issues his
orders to the bureaucracy; and everything goes on much as it did
before; the bureaucracy being unchanged; and nobody else being capable
of taking their place。
A very different spectacle is exhibited among a people accustomed to
transact their own business。 In France; a large part of the people;
having been engaged in military service; many of whom have held at
least the rank of non commissioned officers; there are in every