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of an impatient dislike of superiority。 Another grand determining



principle of the rules of conduct; both in act and forbearance;



which have been enforced by law or opinion; has been the servility



of mankind towards the supposed preferences or aversions of their



temporal masters or of their gods。 This servility; though



essentially selfish; is not hypocrisy; it gives rise to perfectly



genuine sentiments of abhorrence; it made men burn magicians and



heretics。 Among so many baser influences; the general and obvious



interests of society have of course had a share; and a large one; in



the direction of the moral sentiments: less; however; as a matter of



reason; and on their own account; than as a consequence of the



sympathies and antipathies which grew out of them: and sympathies



and antipathies which had little or nothing to do with the interests



of society; have made themselves felt in the establishment of



moralities with quite as great force。



  The likings and dislikings of society; or of some powerful portion



of it; are thus the main thing which has practically determined the



rules laid down for general observance; under the penalties of law



or opinion。 And in general; those who have been in advance of



society in thought and feeling; have left this condition of things



unassailed in principle; however they may have come into conflict with



it in some of its details。 They have occupied themselves rather in



inquiring what things society ought to like or dislike; than in



questioning whether its likings or dislikings should be a law to



individuals。 They preferred endeavouring to alter the feelings of



mankind on the particular points on which they were themselves



heretical; rather than make common cause in defence of freedom; with



heretics generally。 The only case in which the higher ground has



been taken on principle and maintained with consistency; by any but an



individual here and there; is that of religious belief: a case



instructive in many ways; and not least so as forming a most



striking instance of the fallibility of what is called the moral



sense: for the odium theologicum; in a sincere bigot; is one of the



most unequivocal cases of moral feeling。 Those who first broke the



yoke of what called itself the Universal Church; were in general as



little willing to permit difference of religious opinion as that



church itself。 But when the heat of the conflict was over; without



giving a complete victory to any party; and each church or sect was



reduced to limit its hopes to retaining possession of the ground it



already occupied; minorities; seeing that they had no chance of



becoming majorities; were under the necessity of pleading to those



whom they could not convert; for permission to differ。 It is



accordingly on this battle field; almost solely; that the rights of



the individual against society have been asserted on broad grounds



of principle; and the claim of society to exercise authority over



dissentients openly controverted。 The great writers to whom the



world owes what religious liberty it possesses; have mostly asserted



freedom of conscience as an indefeasible right; and denied



absolutely that a human being is accountable to others for his



religious belief。 Yet so natural to mankind is intolerance in whatever



they really care about; that religious freedom has hardly anywhere



been practically realised; except where religious indifference;



which dislikes to have its peace disturbed by theological quarrels;



has added its weight to the scale。 In the minds of almost all



religious persons; even in the most tolerant countries; the duty of



toleration is admitted with tacit reserves。 One person will bear



with dissent in matters of church government; but not of dogma;



another can tolerate everybody; short of a Papist or a Unitarian;



another every one who believes in revealed religion; a few extend



their charity a little further; but stop at the belief in a God and in



a future state。 Wherever the sentiment of the majority is still



genuine and intense; it is found to have abated little of its claim to



be obeyed。



  In England; from the peculiar circumstances of our political



history; though the yoke of opinion is perhaps heavier; that of law is



lighter; than in most other countries of Europe; and there is



considerable jealousy of direct interference; by the legislative or



the executive power; with private conduct; not so much from any just



regard for the independence of the individual; as from the still



subsisting habit of looking on the government as representing an



opposite interest to the public。 The majority have not yet learnt to



feel the power of the government their power; or its opinions their



opinions。 When they do so; individual liberty will probably be as much



exposed to invasion from the government; as it already is from



public opinion。 But; as yet; there is a considerable amount of feeling



ready to be called forth against any attempt of the law to control



individuals in things in which they have not hitherto been



accustomed to be controlled by it; and this with very little



discrimination as to whether the matter is; or is not; within the



legitimate sphere of legal control; insomuch that the feeling;



highly salutary on the whole; is perhaps quite as often misplaced as



well grounded in the particular instances of its application。 There



is; in fact; no recognised principle by which the propriety or



impropriety of government interference is customarily tested。 People



decide according to their personal preferences。 Some; whenever they



see any good to be done; or evil to be remedied; would willingly



instigate the government to undertake the business; while others



prefer to bear almost any amount of social evil; rather than add one



to the departments of human interests amenable to governmental



control。 And men range themselves on one or the other side in any



particular case; according to this general direction of their



sentiments; or according to the degree of interest which they feel



in the particular thing which it is proposed that the government



should do; or according to the belief they entertain that the



government would; or would not; do it in the manner they prefer; but



very rarely on account of any opinion to which they consistently



adhere; as to what things are fit to be done by a government。 And it



seems to me that in consequence of this absence of rule or



principle; one side is at present as of wrong as the other; the



interference of government is; with about equal frequency;



improperly invoked and improperly condemned。



  The object of this Essay is to assert one very simple principle;



as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the



individual in the way of compulsion and control; whether the means



used be physical force in the form of legal penalties; or the moral



coercion of public opinion。 That principle is; that the sole end for



which mankind are warranted; individually or collectively; in



interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number; is



self…protection。 That the only purpose for which power can be



rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community; against



his will; is to prevent harm to others。 His own good; either



physical or moral; is not a sufficient warrant。 He cannot rightfully



be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to



do so; because it will make him happier; because; in the opinions of



others; to do so would be wise; or even right。 These are good



reasons for remonstrating with him; or reasoning with him; or



persuading him; or entreating him; but not for compelling him; or



visiting him with any evil in case he do otherwise。 To justify that;



the conduct from which it is d

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