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第28章

on liberty-第28章

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no better grounds than that persons whose religious opinions are



different from theirs do not practise their religious observances;



especially their religious abstinences。 To cite a rather trivial



example; nothing in the creed or practice of Christians does more to



envenom the hatred of Mahomedans against them than the fact of their



eating pork。 There are few acts which Christians and Europeans



regard with more unaffected disgust than Mussulmans regard this



particular mode of satisfying hunger。 It is; in the first place; an



offence against their religion; but this circumstance by no means



explains either the degree or the kind of their repugnance; for wine



also is forbidden by their religion; and to partake of it is by all



Mussulmans accounted wrong; but not disgusting。 Their aversion to



the flesh of the 〃unclean beast〃 is; on the contrary; of that peculiar



character; resembling an instinctive antipathy; which the idea of



uncleanness; when once it thoroughly sinks into the feelings; seems



always to excite even in those whose personal habits are anything



but scrupulously cleanly; and of which the sentiment of religious



impurity; so intense in the Hindoos; is a remarkable example。



Suppose now that in a people; of whom the majority were Mussulmans;



that majority should insist upon not permitting pork to be eaten



within the limits of the country。 This would be nothing new in



Mahomedan countries。* Would it be a legitimate exercise of the moral



authority of public opinion? and if not; why not? The practice is



really revolting to such a public。 They also sincerely think that it



is forbidden and abhorred by the Deity。 Neither could the



prohibition be censured as religious persecution。 It might be



religious in its origin; but it would not be persecution for religion;



since nobody's religion makes it a duty to eat pork。 The only



tenable ground of condemnation would be that with the personal



tastes and self…regarding concerns of individuals the public has no



business to interfere。







  * The case of the Bombay Parsees is a curious instance in point。



When this industrious and enterprising tribe; the descendants of the



Persian fire…worshippers; flying from their native country before



the Caliphs; arrived in Western India; they were admitted to



toleration by the Hindoo sovereigns; on condition of not eating



beef。 When those regions afterwards fell under the dominion of



Mahomedan conquerors; the Parsees obtained from them a continuance



of indulgence; on condition of refraining from pork。 What was at first



obedience to authority became a second nature; and the Parsees to this



day abstain both from beef and pork。 Though not required by their



religion; the double abstinence has had time to grow into a custom



of their tribe; and custom; in the East; is a religion。







  To come somewhat nearer home: the majority of Spaniards consider



it a gross impiety; offensive in the highest degree to the Supreme



Being; to worship him in any other manner than the Roman Catholic; and



no other public worship is lawful on Spanish soil。 The people of all



Southern Europe look upon a married clergy as not only irreligious;



but unchaste; indecent; gross; disgusting。 What do Protestants think



of these perfectly sincere feelings; and of the attempt to enforce



them against non…Catholics? Yet; if mankind are justified in



interfering with each other's liberty in things which do not concern



the interests of others; on what principle is it possible consistently



to exclude these cases? or who can blame people for desiring to



suppress what they regard as a scandal in the sight of God and man? No



stronger case can be shown for prohibiting anything which is



regarded as a personal immorality; than is made out for suppressing



these practices in the eyes of those who regard them as impieties; and



unless we are willing to adopt the logic of persecutors; and to say



that we may persecute others because we are right; and that they



must not persecute us because they are wrong; we must beware of



admitting a principle of which we should resent as a gross injustice



the application to ourselves。



  The preceding instances may be objected to; although unreasonably;



as drawn from contingencies impossible among us: opinion; in this



country; not being likely to enforce abstinence from meats; or to



interfere with people for worshipping; and for either marrying or



not marrying; according to their creed or inclination。 The next



example; however; shall be taken from an interference with liberty



which we have by no means passed all danger of。 Wherever the



Puritans have been sufficiently powerful; as in New England; and in



Great Britain at the time of the Commonwealth; they have



endeavoured; with considerable success; to put down all public; and



nearly all private; amusements: especially music; dancing; public



games; or other assemblages for purposes of diversion; and the



theatre。 There are still in this country large bodies of persons by



whose notions of morality and religion these recreations are



condemned; and those persons belonging chiefly to the middle class;



who are the ascendant power in the present social and political



condition of the kingdom; it is by no means impossible that persons of



these sentiments may at some time or other command a majority in



Parliament。 How will the remaining portion of the community like to



have the amusements that shall be permitted to them regulated by the



religious and moral sentiments of the stricter Calvinists and



Methodists? Would they not; with considerable peremptoriness; desire



these intrusively pious members of society to mind their own business?



This is precisely what should be said to every government and every



public; who have the pretension that no person shall enjoy any



pleasure which they think wrong。 But if the principle of the



pretension be admitted; no one can reasonably object to its being



acted on in the sense of the majority; or other preponderating power



in the country; and all persons must be ready to conform to the idea



of a Christian commonwealth; as understood by the early settlers in



New England; if a religious profession similar to theirs should ever



succeed in regaining its lost ground; as religions supposed to be



declining have so often been known to do。



  To imagine another contingency; perhaps more likely to be realised



than the one last mentioned。 There is confessedly a strong tendency in



the modern world towards a democratic constitution of society;



accompanied or not by popular political institutions。 It is affirmed



that in the country where this tendency is most completely realised…



where both society and the government are most democratic… the United



States… the feeling of the majority; to whom any appearance of a



more showy or costly style of living than they can hope to rival is



disagreeable; operates as a tolerably effectual sumptuary law; and



that in many parts of the Union it is really difficult for a person



possessing a very large income to find any mode of spending it which



will not incur popular disapprobation。 Though such statements as these



are doubtless much exaggerated as a representation of existing



facts; the state of things they describe is not only a conceivable and



possible; but a probable result of democratic feeling; combined with



the notion that the public has a right to a veto on the manner in



which individuals shall spend their incomes。 We have only further to



suppose a considerable diffusion of Socialist opinions; and it may



become infamous in the eyes of the majority to possess more property



than some very small amount; or any income not earned by manual



labour。 Opinions similar in principle to these already prevail



widely amon

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