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第27章

on liberty-第27章

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  But with regard to the merely contingent; or; as it may be called;



constructive injury which a person causes to society; by conduct which



neither violates any specific duty to the public; nor occasions



perceptible hurt to any assignable individual except himself; the



inconvenience is one which society can afford to bear; for the sake of



the greater good of human freedom。 If grown persons are to be punished



for not taking proper care of themselves; I would rather it were for



their own sake; than under pretence of preventing them from



impairing their capacity or rendering to society benefits which



society does not pretend it has a right to exact。 But I cannot consent



to argue the point as if society had no means of bringing its weaker



members up to its ordinary standard of rational conduct; except



waiting till they do something irrational; and then punishing them;



legally or morally; for it。 Society has had absolute power over them



during all the early portion of their existence: it has had the



whole period of childhood and nonage in which to try whether it



could make them capable of rational conduct in life。 The existing



generation is master both of the training and the entire circumstances



of the generation to come; it cannot indeed make them perfectly wise



and good; because it is itself so lamentably deficient in goodness and



wisdom; and its best efforts are not always; in individual cases;



its most successful ones; but it is perfectly well able to make the



rising generation; as a whole; as good as; and a little better than;



itself。 If society lets any considerable number of its members grow up



mere children; incapable of being acted on by rational consideration



of distant motives; society has itself to blame for the



consequences。 Armed not only with all the powers of education; but



with the ascendency which the authority of a received opinion always



exercises over the minds who are least fitted to judge for themselves;



and aided by the natural penalties which cannot be prevented from



falling on those who incur the distaste or the contempt of those who



know them; let not society pretend that it needs; besides all this;



the power to issue commands and enforce obedience in the personal



concerns of individuals; in which; on all principles of justice and



policy; the decision ought to rest with those who are to abide the



consequences。



  Nor is there anything which tends more to discredit and frustrate



the better means of influencing conduct than a resort to the worse。 If



there be among those whom it is attempted to coerce into prudence or



temperance any of the material of which vigorous and independent



characters are made; they will infallibly rebel against the yoke。 No



such person will ever feel that others have a right to control him



in his concerns; such as they have to prevent him from injuring them



in theirs; and it easily comes to be considered a mark of spirit and



courage to fly in the face of such usurped authority; and do with



ostentation the exact opposite of what it enjoins; as in the fashion



of grossness which succeeded; in the time of Charles II。; to the



fanatical moral intolerance of the Puritans。 With respect to what is



said of the necessity of protecting society from the bad example set



to others by the vicious or the self…indulgent; it is true that bad



example may have a pernicious effect; especially the example of



doing wrong to others with impunity to the wrong…doer。 But we are



now speaking of conduct which; while it does no wrong to others; is



supposed to do great harm to the agent himself: and I do not see how



those who believe this can think otherwise than that the example; on



the whole; must be more salutary than hurtful; since; if it displays



the misconduct; it displays also the painful or degrading consequences



which; if the conduct is justly censured; must be supposed to be in



all or most cases attendant on it。



  But the strongest of all the arguments against the interference of



the public with purely personal conduct is that; when it does



interfere; the odds are that it interferes wrongly; and in the wrong



place。 On questions of social morality; of duty to others; the opinion



of the public; that is; of an overruling majority; though of wrong; is



likely to be still oftener right; because on such questions they are



only required to judge of their own interests; of the manner in



which some mode of conduct; if allowed to be practised; would effect



themselves。 But the opinion of a similar majority; imposed as a law on



the minority; on questions of self…regarding conduct; is quite as



likely to be wrong as right; for in these cases public opinion



means; at the best; some people's opinion of what is good or bad for



other people; while very of it does not even mean that; the public;



with the most perfect indifference; passing over the pleasure or



convenience of those whose conduct they censure; and considering



only their own preference。 There are many who consider as an injury to



themselves any conduct which they have a distaste for; and resent it



as an outrage to their feelings; as a religious bigot; when charged



with disregarding the religious feelings of others; has been known



to retort that they disregard his feelings; by persisting in their



abominable worship or creed。 But there is no parity between the



feeling of a person for his own opinion; and the feeling of another



who is offended at his holding it; no more than between the desire



of a thief to take a purse; and the desire of the right owner to



keep it。 And a person's taste is as much his own peculiar concern as



his opinion or his purse。 It is easy for any one to imagine an ideal



public which leaves the freedom and choice of individuals in all



uncertain matters undisturbed; and only requires them to abstain



from modes of conduct which universal experience has condemned。 But



where has there been seen a public which set any such limit to its



censorship? or when does the public trouble itself about universal



experience? In its interferences with personal conduct it is seldom



thinking of anything but the enormity of acting or feeling differently



from itself; and this standard of judgment; thinly disguised; is



held up to mankind as the dictate of religion and philosophy; by



nine…tenths of all moralists and speculative writers。 These teach that



things are right because they are right; because we feel them to be



so。 They tell us to search in our own minds and hearts for laws of



conduct binding on ourselves and on all others。 What can the poor



public do but apply these instructions; and make their own personal



feelings of good and evil; if they are tolerably unanimous in them;



obligatory on all the world?



  The evil here pointed out is not one which exists only in theory;



and it may perhaps be expected that I should specify the instances



in which the public of this age and country improperly invests its own



preferences with the character of moral laws。 I am not writing an



essay on the aberrations of existing moral feeling。 That is too



weighty a subject to be discussed parenthetically; and by way of



illustration。 Yet examples are necessary to show that the principle



I maintain is of serious and practical moment; and that I am not



endeavouring to erect a barrier against imaginary evils。 And it is not



difficult to show; by abundant instances; that to extend the bounds of



what may be called moral police; until it encroaches on the most



unquestionably legitimate liberty of the individual; is one of the



most universal of all human propensities。



  As a first instance; consider the antipathies which men cherish on



no better grounds than that persons whose religious opinions are



different from theirs do 

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