on liberty-第1章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！






　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　1859





　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　ON　LIBERTY





　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　by　John　Stuart　Mill









DEDICATION







　　The　grand；　leading　principle；　towards　which　every　argument



unfolded　in　these　pages　directly　converges；　is　the　absolute　and



essential　importance　of　human　development　in　its　richest　diversity。







　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　WILHELM　VON　HUMBOLDT：　Sphere　and　Duties　of　Government。







　　TO　the　beloved　and　deplored　memory　of　her　who　was　the　inspirer；



and　in　part　the　author；　of　all　that　is　best　in　my　writings…　the



friend　and　wife　whose　exalted　sense　of　truth　and　right　was　my



strongest　incitement；　and　whose　approbation　was　my　chief　reward…　I



dedicate　this　volume。　Like　all　that　I　have　written　for　many　years；



it　belongs　as　much　to　her　as　to　me；　but　the　work　as　it　stands　has　had；



in　a　very　insufficient　degree；　the　inestimable　advantage　of　her



revision；　some　of　the　most　important　portions　having　been　reserved　for



a　more　careful　re…examination；　which　they　are　now　never　destined　to



receive。　Were　I　but　capable　of　interpreting　to　the　world　one　half



the　great　thoughts　and　noble　feelings　which　are　buried　in　her　grave；　I



should　be　the　medium　of　a　greater　benefit　to　it；　than　is　ever　likely



to　arise　from　anything　that　I　can　write；　unprompted　and　unassisted



by　her　all　but　unrivalled　wisdom。



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Chapter　1



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Introductory







　　THE　SUBJECT　of　this　Essay　is　not　the　so…called　Liberty　of　the



Will；　so　unfortunately　opposed　to　the　misnamed　doctrine　of



Philosophical　Necessity；　but　Civil；　or　Social　Liberty：　the　nature



and　limits　of　the　power　which　can　be　legitimately　exercised　by　society



over　the　individual。　A　question　seldom　stated；　and　hardly　ever



discussed；　in　general　terms；　but　which　profoundly　influences　the



practical　controversies　of　the　age　by　its　latent　presence；　and　is



likely　soon　to　make　itself　recognised　as　the　vital　question　of　the



future。　It　is　so　far　from　being　new；　that；　in　a　certain　sense；　it



has　divided　mankind；　almost　from　the　remotest　ages；　but　in　the　stage



of　progress　into　which　the　more　civilised　portions　of　the　species　have



now　entered；　it　presents　itself　under　new　conditions；　and　requires　a



different　and　more　fundamental　treatment。



　　The　struggle　between　Liberty　and　Authority　is　the　most　conspicuous



feature　in　the　portions　of　history　with　which　we　are　earliest



familiar；　particularly　in　that　of　Greece；　Rome；　and　England。　But　in



old　times　this　contest　was　between　subjects；　or　some　classes　of



subjects；　and　the　Government。　By　liberty；　was　meant　protection　against



the　tyranny　of　the　political　rulers。　The　rulers　were　conceived　（except



in　some　of　the　popular　governments　of　Greece）　as　in　a　necessarily



antagonistic　position　to　the　people　whom　they　ruled。　They　consisted　of



a　governing　One；　or　a　governing　tribe　or　caste；　who　derived　their



authority　from　inheritance　or　conquest；　who；　at　all　events；　did　not



hold　it　at　the　pleasure　of　the　governed；　and　whose　supremacy　men　did



not　venture；　perhaps　did　not　desire；　to　contest；　whatever



precautions　might　be　taken　against　its　oppressive　exercise。　Their



power　was　regarded　as　necessary；　but　also　as　highly　dangerous；　as　a



weapon　which　they　would　attempt　to　use　against　their　subjects；　no　less



than　against　external　enemies。　To　prevent　the　weaker　members　of　the



community　from　being　preyed　upon　by　innumerable　vultures；　it　was



needful　that　there　should　be　an　animal　of　prey　stronger　than　the　rest；



commissioned　to　keep　them　down。　But　as　the　king　of　the　vultures



would　be　no　less　bent　upon　preying　on　the　flock　than　any　of　the



minor　harpies；　it　was　indispensable　to　be　in　a　perpetual　attitude　of



defence　against　his　beak　and　claws。　The　aim；　therefore；　of　patriots



was　to　set　limits　to　the　power　which　the　ruler　should　be　suffered　to



exercise　over　the　community；　and　this　limitation　was　what　they　meant



by　liberty。　It　was　attempted　in　two　ways。　First；　by　obtaining　a



recognition　of　certain　immunities；　called　political　liberties　or



rights；　which　it　was　to　be　regarded　as　a　breach　of　duty　in　the　ruler



to　infringe；　and　which　if　he　did　infringe；　specific　resistance；　or



general　rebellion；　was　held　to　be　justifiable。　A　second；　and　generally



a　later　expedient；　was　the　establishment　of　constitutional　checks；



by　which　the　consent　of　the　community；　or　of　a　body　of　some　sort；



supposed　to　represent　its　interests；　was　made　a　necessary　condition　to



some　of　the　more　important　acts　of　the　governing　power。　To　the　first



of　these　modes　of　limitation；　the　ruling　power；　in　most　European



countries；　was　compelled；　more　or　less；　to　submit。　It　was　not　so



with　the　second；　and；　to　attain　this；　or　when　already　in　some　degree



possessed；　to　attain　it　more　completely；　became　everywhere　the



principal　object　of　the　lovers　of　liberty。　And　so　long　as　mankind　were



content　to　combat　one　enemy　by　another；　and　to　be　ruled　by　a　master；



on　condition　of　being　guaranteed　more　or　less　efficaciously　against



his　tyranny；　they　did　not　carry　their　aspirations　beyond　this　point。



　　A　time；　however；　came；　in　the　progress　of　human　affairs；　when　men



ceased　to　think　it　a　necessity　of　nature　that　their　governors　should



be　an　independent　power；　opposed　in　interest　to　themselves。　It



appeared　to　them　much　better　that　the　various　magistrates　of　the　State



should　be　their　tenants　or　delegates；　revocable　at　their　pleasure。



In　that　way　alone；　it　seemed；　could　they　have　complete　security　that



the　powers　of　government　would　never　be　abused　to　their



disadvantage。　By　degrees　this　new　demand　for　elective　and　temporary



rulers　became　the　prominent　object　of　the　exertions　of　the　popular



party；　wherever　any　such　party　existed；　and　superseded；　to　a



considerable　extent；　the　previous　efforts　to　limit　the　power　of



rulers。　As　the　struggle　proceeded　for　making　the　ruling　power



emanate　from　the　periodical　choice　of　the　ruled；　some　persons　began　to



think　that　too　much　importance　had　been　attached　to　the　limitation



of　the　power　itself。　That　（it　might　seem）　was　a　resource　against



rulers　whose　interests　were　habitually　opposed　to　those　of　the　people。



What　was　now　wanted　was；　that　the　rulers　should　be　identified　with　the



people；　that　their　interest　and　will　should　be　the　interest　and　will



of　the　nation。　The　nation　did　not　need　to　be　protected　against　its　own



will。　There　was　no　fear　of　its　tyrannising　over　itself。　Let　the　rulers



be　effectually　responsible　to　it；　promptly　removable　by　it；　and　it



could　afford　to　trust　them　with　power　of　which　it　could　itself　dictate



the　use　to　be　made。　Their　power　was　but　the　nation's　own　power；



concentrated；　and　in　a　form　convenient　for　exercise。　This　mode　of



thought；　or　rather　perhaps　of　feeling；　was　common　among　the　last



generation　of　European　liberalism；　in　the　Continental　section　of　which



it　still　apparently　predominates。　Those　who　admit　any　limit　to　what



a　government　may　do；　except　in　the　case　of　such　governments　as　they



think　ought　not　to　exist；　stand　out　as　brilliant　exceptions　among



the　political　thinkers　of　the　Continent。　A　similar　tone　of　sentiment



might　by　this　time　have　been　prevalent　in　our　own　country；　if　the



circumstances　which　for　a　time　encouraged　it；　had　continued　unaltered。



　　But；　in　political　and　philosophical　theories；　as　well　as　in　persons；



success　discloses　faults　and　infirmities　which　failure　might　have



concealed　from　observation。　The　notion；　that　the　people　have　no　need



to　limit　their　power　over　themselves；　might　seem　axiomatic；　when



popular　government　was　a　thing　only　dreamed　about；　or　read　of　as



having　existed　at　some　distant　period　of　the　past。　Neither　was　that



notion　necessarily　disturbed　by　such　temporary　aberrations　as　those　of



the　French　Revolution；　the　worst　o