贝壳电子书 > 英文原著电子书 > list2 >

第2章

list2-第2章

小说: list2 字数: 每页4000字

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页,按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页,按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
————未阅读完?加入书签已便下次继续阅读!






the economy of societies; and discriminate in respect to the latter



between true political or national economy (which; emanating from



the idea and nature of the nation; teaches how a given nation in



the present state of the world and its own special national



relations can maintain and improve its economical conditions) and



cosmopolitical economy; which originates in the assumption that all



nations of the earth form but one society living in a perpetual



state of peace。



    If; as the prevailing school requites; we assume a universal



union or confederation of all nations as the guarantee for an



everlasting peace; the principle of international free trade seems



to be perfectly justified。 The less every individual is restrained



in pursuing his own individual prosperity; the greater the number



and wealth of those with whom he has free intercourse; the greater



the area over which his individual activity can exercise itself;



the easier it will be for him to utilise for the increase of his



prosperity the properties given him by nature; the knowledge and



talents which he has acquired; and the forces of nature placed at



his disposal。 As with separate individuals; so is it also the case



with individual communities; provinces; and countries。 A simpleton



only could maintain that a union for free commercial intercourse



between themselves is not as advantageous to the different states



included in the United States of North America; to the various



departments of France; and to the various German allied states; as



would be their separation by internal provincial customs tariffs。



    In the union of the three kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland



the world witnesses a great and irrefragable example of the



immeasurable efficacy of free trade between united nations。 Let us



only suppose all other nations of the earth to be united in a



similar manner; and the most vivid imagination will not be able to



picture to itself the sum of prosperity and good fortune which the



whole human race would thereby acquire。



    Unquestionably the idea of a universal confederation and a



perpetual peace is commended both by common sense and religion。(2*)



If single combat between individuals is at present considered to be



contrary to reason; how much more must combat between two nations



be similarly condemned? The proofs which social economy can produce



from the history of the civilisation of mankind of the



reasonableness of bringing about the union of all mankind under the



law of right; are perhaps those which are the clearest to sound



human understanding。



    History teaches that wherever individuals are engaged in wars;



the prosperity of mankind is at its lowest stage; and that it



increases in the same proportion in which the concord of mankind



increases。 In the primitive state of the human race; first unions



of families took place; then towns; then confederations of towns;



then union of whole countries; finally unions of several states



under one and the same government。 If the nature of things has been



powerful enough to extend this union (which commenced with the



family) over hundreds of millions; we ought to consider that nature



to be powerful enough to accomplish the union of all nations。 If



the human mind were capable of comprehending the advantages of this



great union; so ought we to venture to deem it capable of



understanding the still greater benefits which would result from a



union of the whole human race。 Many instances indicate this



tendency in the spirit of the present times。 We need only hint at



the progress made in sciences; arts; and discoveries; in industry



and social order。 It may be already foreseen with certainty; that



after a lapse of a few decades the civilised nations of the earth



will; by the perfection of the means of conveyance; be united as



respects both material and mental interchange in as close a manner



as (or even closer than) that in which a century ago the various



counties of England were connected。 Continental governments possess



already at the present moment in the telegraph the means of



communicating with one another; almost as if they were at one and



the same place。 Powerful forces previously unknown have already



raised industry to a degree of perfection hitherto never



anticipated; and others still more powerful have already announced



their appearance。 But the more that industry advances; and



proportionately extends over the countries of the earth; the



smaller will be the possibility of wars。 Two nations equally well



developed in industry could mutually inflict on one another more



injury in one week than they would be able to make good in a whole



generation。 But hence it follows that the same new forces which



have hitherto served particularly for production will not withhold



their services from destruction; and will principally favour the



side of defence; and especially the European Continental nations;



while they threaten the insular State with the loss of those



advantages which have been gained by her insular position for her



defence。 In the congresses of the great European powers Europe



possesses already the embryo of a future congress of nations。 The



endeavours to settle differences by protocol are clearly already



prevailing over those which obtain justice by force of arms。 A



clearer insight into the nature of wealth and industry has led the



wiser heads of all civilised nations to the conviction that both



the civilisation of barbarous and semi…barbarous nations; and of



those whose culture is retrograding; as well as the formation of



colonies; offer to civilised nations a field for the development of



their productive powers which promises them much richer and safer



fruits than mutual hostilities by wars or restrictions on trade。



The farther we advance in this perception; and the more the



uncivilised countries come into contact with the civilised ones by



the progress made in the means of transport; so much more will the



civilised countries comprehend that the civilisation of barbarous



nations; of those distracted by internal anarchy; or which are



oppressed by bad government; is a task which offers to all equal



advantages  a duty incumbent on them all alike; but one which can



only be accomplished by unity。



    That the civilisation of all nations; the culture of the whole



globe; forms a task imposed on the whole human race; is evident



from those unalterable laws of nature by which civilised nations



are driven on with irresistible power to extend or transfer their



powers of production to less cultivated countries。 We see



everywhere; under the influence of civilisation; population; powers



of mind; material capital attaining to such dimensions that they



must necessarily flow over into other less civilised countries。 If



the cultivable area of the country no longer suffices to sustain



the population and to employ the agricultural population; the



redundant portion of the latter seeks territories suitable for



cultivation in distant lands; if the talents and technical



abilities of a nation have become so numerous as to find no longer



sufficient rewards within it; they emigrate to places where they



are more in demand; if in consequence of the accumulation of



material capital; the rates of interest fall so considerably that



the smaller capitalist can no longer live on them; he tries to



invest his money more satisfactorily in less wealthy countries。



    A true principle; therefore; underlies the system of the



popular school; but a principl

返回目录 上一页 下一页 回到顶部 0 0

你可能喜欢的