the spirit of laws-第187章

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ire　was　afterwards　given　to　a　family　whose　dominions　form　so　strong　a　barrier　against　the　Turks。

The　empire　went　from　Charlemagne's　family　at　a　time　when　the　inheritance　of　fiefs　was　established　only　as　a　mere　condescendence。　It　even　appears　that　this　inheritance　obtained　much　later　among　the　Germans　than　among　the　French；＇203＇　which　was　the　reason　that　the　empire；　considered　as　a　fief；　was　elective。　On　the　contrary；　when　the　crown　of　France　went　from　the　family　of　Charlemagne；　the　fiefs　were　really　hereditary　in　this　kingdom；　and　the　crown；　as　a　great　fief；　was　also　hereditary。

But　it　is　very　wrong　to　refer　to　the　very　moment　of　this　revolution　all　the　changes　which　happened；　either　before　or　afterwards。　The　whole　was　reduced　to　two　events；　the　reigning　family　changed；　and　the　crown　was　united　to　a　great　fief。

33。　Some　Consequences　of　the　Perpetuity　of　Fiefs。　From　the　perpetuity　of　fiefs　it　followed　that　the　right　of　seniority　or　primogeniture　was　established　among　the　French。　This　right　was　quite　unknown　under　the　first　race；＇204＇　the　crown　was　divided　among　the　brothers；　the　allodia　were　shared　in　the　same　manner；　and　as　the　fiefs；　whether　precarious　or　for　life；　were　not　an　object　of　succession；　there　could　be　no　partition　in　regard　to　those　tenures。

Under　the　second　race；　the　title　of　emperor；　which　Louis　the　Debonnaire　enjoyed；　and　with　which　he　honoured　his　eldest　son；　Lotharius；　made　him　think　of　giving　this　prince　a　kind　of　superiority　over　his　younger　brothers。　The　two　kings　were　obliged　to　wait　upon　the　emperor　every　year；　to　carry　him　presents；　and　to　receive　much　greater　from　him；　they　were　also　to　consult　with　him　upon　common　affairs。＇205＇　This　is　what　inspired　Lotharius　with　those　pretences　which　met　with　such　bad　success。　When　Agobard　wrote　in　favour　of　this　prince；＇206＇　he　alleged　the　emperor's　own　intention；　who　had　associated　Lotharius　with　the　empire　after　he　had　consulted　the　Almighty　by　a　three　days'　fast；　by　the　celebration　of　the　holy　mysteries；　and　by　prayers　and　almsgiving；　after　the　nation　had　sworn　allegiance　to　him；　which　they　could　not　refuse　without　perjuring　themselves；　and　after　he　had　sent

Lotharius　to　Rome　to　be　confirmed　by　the　Pope。　Upon　all　this　he　lays　a　stress；　and　not　upon　his　right　of　primogeniture。　He　says；　indeed；　that　the　emperor　had　designed　a　partition　among　the　younger　brothers；　and　that　he　had　given　the　preference　to　the　elder；　but　saying　he　had　preferred　the　elder　was　saying　at　the　saine　time　that　he　might　have　given　the　preference　to　his　younger　brothers。

But　as　soon　as　the　fiefs　became　hereditary；　the　right　of　seniority　was　established　in　the　feudal　succession；　and　for　the　same　reason　in　that　of　the　crown；　which　was　the　great　fief。　The　ancient　law　of　partitions　was　no　longer　subsisting；　the　fiefs　being　charged　with　a　service；　the　possessor　must　have　been　enabled　to　discharge　it。　The　law　of　primogeniture　was　established；　and　the　right　of　the　feudal　law　was　superior　to　that　of　the　political　or　civil　institution。

As　the　fiefs　descended　to　the　children　of　the　possessor；　the　lords　lost　the　liberty　of　disposing　of　them；　and；　in　order　to　indemnify　themselves；　they　established　what　they　called　the　right　of　redemption；　whereof　mention　is　made　in　our　customs；　which　at　first　was　paid　in　a　direct　line；　and　by　usage　came　afterwards　to　be　paid　only　in　a　collateral　line。

The　fiefs　were　soon　rendered　transferable　to　strangers　as　a　patrimonial　estate。　This　gave　rise　to　the　right　of　lord's　dues；　which　were　established　almost　throughout　the　kingdom。　These　rights　were　arbitrary　in　the　beginning；　but　when　the　practice　of　granting　such　permissions　became　general；　they　were　fixed　in　every　district。

The　right　of　redemption　was　to　be　paid　at　every　change　of　heir；　and　at　first　was　paid　even　in　a　direct　line。＇207＇　The　most　general　custom　had　fixed　it　to　one　year's　income。　This　was　burdensome　and　inconvenient　to　the　vassal；　and　affected　in　some　measure　the　fief　itself；　It　was　often　agreed　in　the　act　of　homage　that　the　lord　should　no　longer　demand　more　than　a　certain　sum　of　money　for　the　redemption；　which；　by　the　changes　incident　to　money；　became　afterwards　of　no　manner　of　importance。＇208＇　Thus　the　right　of　redemption　is　in　our　days　reduced　almost　to　nothing；　while　that　of　the　lord's　dues　is　continued　in　its　full　extent。　As　this　right　concerned　neither　the　vassal　nor　his　heirs；　but　was　a　fortuitous　case　which　no　one　was　obliged　to　foresee　or　expect；　these　stipulations　were　not　made；　and　they　continued　to　pay　a　certain　part　of　the　price。

When　the　fiefs　were　for　life；　they　could　not　give　a　part　of　a　fief　to　hold　in　perpetuity　as　a　rear…fief；　for　it　would　have　been　absurd　that　a　person　who　had　only　the　usufruct　of　a　thing　should　dispose　of　the　property　of　it。　But　when　they　became　perpetual；　this　was　permitted。＇209＇　with　some　restrictions　made　by　the　customs；　which　was　what　they　call　dismembering　their　fief。＇210＇

The　perpetuity　of　feudal　tenures　having　established　the　right　of　redemption；　the　daughters　were　rendered　capable　of　succeeding　to　a　fief；　in　default　of　male　issue。　For　when　the　lord　gave　the　fief　to　his　daughter；　he　multiplied　the　cases　of　his　right　of　redemption；　because　the　husband　was　obliged　to　pay　it　as　well　as　the　wife。＇211＇　This　regulation　could　not　take　place　in　regard　to　the　crown；　for　as　it　was　not　held　of　any　one；　there　could　be　no　right　of　redemption　over　it。

The　daughter　of　William　V；　Count　of　Toulouse；　did　not　succeed　to　the　county。　But　Eleanor　succeeded　to　Aquitaine；　and　Matilda　to　Normandy；　and　the　right　of　the　succession　of　females　seemed　so　well　established　in　those　days；　that　Louis　the　Young；　after　his　divorce　from　Eleanor；　made　no　difficulty　in　restoring　Guienne　to　her。　But　as　these　two　last　instances　followed　close　on　the　first；　the　general　law　by　which　the　women　were　called　to　the　succession　of　fiefs　must　have　been　introduced　much　later　into　the　county　of　Toulouse　than　into　the　other　provinces　of　France。＇212＇

The　constitution　of　several　kingdoms　of　Europe　has　been　directed　by　the　state　of　feudal　tenures　at　the　time　when　those　kingdoms　were　founded。　The　women　succeeded　neither　to　the　crown　of　France　nor　to　the　empire；　because　at　the　foundation　of　those　two　monarchies　they　were　incapable　of　succeeding　to　fiefs。　But　they　succeeded　in　kingdoms　whose　foundation　was　posterior　to　that　of　the　perpetuity　of　the　fiefs；　such　as　those　founded　by　the　Normans；　those　by　the　conquests　made　on　the　Moors；　and　others；　in　fine；　which　were　beyond　the　limits　of　Germany；　and　in　later　times　received　in　some　measure　a　second　birth　by　the　establishment　of　Christianity。

When　these　fiefs　were　at　will；　they　were　given　to　such　as　were　capable　of　doing　service　for　them；　and；　therefore；　were　never　bestowed　on　minors；　but　when　they　became　perpetual；　the　lords　took　the　fief　into　their　own　hands；　till　the　pupil　came　of　age；　either　to　increase　their　own　emoluments；　or　to　train　the　ward　to　the　use　of　arms。＇213＇　This　is　what　our　customs　call　the　guardianship　of　a　nobleman's　children；　which　is　founded　on　principles　different　from　those　of　tutelage；　and　is　entirely　a　distinct　thing　from　it。

When　the　fiefs　were　for　life；　it　was　customary　to　vow　fealty　for　a　fief；　and　the　real　delivery；　which　was　made　by　a　sceptre；　confirmed　the　fief；　as　it　is　now　confirmed　by　homage。　We　do　not　find　that　the　counts；　or　even　the　king's　commissaries；　received　the　homage　in　the　provinces；　nor　is　this　ceremony　to　be　met　with　in　the　commissions　of　those　officers　which　have　been　handed　down　to　us　in　the　Capitularies。　They　sometimes；　indeed；　made　all　the　king's　subjects　take　an　oath　of　allegiance；＇214＇　but　so　far　was　this　oath　from　being　of　the　same　nature　as　the　service　afterwards　established　by　the　name　of　homage；　that　it　was　only　a　cere…money　of　less　solemnity；　occasionally　used；　either　before　or　after　that　act　of　obeisance；　in　short；　it　was　quite　a　distinct　thing　from　homage。＇215＇

The　counts　and　the　king's　commissaries　further　made　those　vassals　whose　fidelity　was　suspected　give　occasionally　a　security；　which　was　called　firmitas；＇216＇　but　this　security　could　not　be　an　homage；　since　kings　gave　it　to　each　other。＇217＇

And　though　the　Abbot　Suger＇218＇　makes　mention　of　a　chair　of　Dagobert；　in　which　acc