the spirit of laws-第176章
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157。 See the Capitulary of Charlemagne； de villis； where he ranks these freda among the great revenues of what was called villa； or the king's demesnes。
158。 See Marculfus； i； form。 3； 4； 17。
159。 See Marculfus； i； form。 2； 3； 4。
160。 See the Collections of those charters； especially that at the end of the 5th volume of the historians of France； published by the Benedictine monks。
161。 See the 3rd； 4th； and 14th of the first book； and the charter of Charlemagne； in the year 771； in Martene； Anecdot。 collect。； i； ii。
162。 Treatise of village jurisdictions； Loyseau。
163。 See Du Cange on the word hominium。
164。 See Marculfus； i； form。 3； 4。
165。 Ne aliubi nisi ad ecclesiam； ubi relaxati sunt； mallum teneant； tit。 58； § i。 See also § 19。 Lindembrock's edition。
166。 Tabulariis。
167。 Mallum。
168。 Vita S。 Germeri； Episcopi Tolosani apud Bollandianos 16 Maii。
169。 See also the life of St。 Melanius； and that of St。 Deicola。
170。 In the council of Paris； in the year 615； art。 19。 See also art。 12。
171。 Ibid。； art。 5。
172。 In the law of the Lombards； ii； tit。 44； cap ii。 Lindembrock's edition。
173。 Ibid。
174。 Letter in the year 858； art。 7 in the Capitularies； p。 108。
175。 It is added to the law of the Bavarians； art。 7。 See also art。 3。 Lindembrock's edition； p。 444。
176。 In the year 857； in synodo apud Carisiacum； art。 4； edition of Baluzius； p。 96。
177。 Tit。 3； cap。 xiii。 Lindembrock's edition。
178。 Tit。 85。
179。 In the year 595； arts。 11 and 12； edition of the Capitularies by Baluzius； p。 19。
180。 Arts。 2 and 3。
181。 See Du Cange； Glossary； on the word trustis。
182。 Inserted in the Law of the Lombards； ii。 tit。 52； §14。 It is the Capitulary of the year 793； in Baluzius； p。 544； art。 10。
183。 See also the same law of the Lombards； ii； tit。 52； § 2； which relates to the Capitulary of Charlemagne of the year 779； art。 21。
184。 The third of the year 812； art。 10。
185。 The second of the year 813； arts。 14； 20； Baluzius' edition； p。 509。
186。 Capitulare quintum anni 819 art。 23； Baluzius' edition； p。 617。
187。 Edictum in Carisiaco in Baluzius； ii； p。 152。
188。 Edictum Pistense； art。 18； Baluzius' edition； ii； p。 181。
189。 Lib。 1。
190。 I have already quoted it in the preceding chapter； Episcopi vel patentes。
191。 History； vi。
192。 Ibid。
193。 Vol。 ii； book III； 18； p。 270。
194。 See the preliminary discourse of the Abbé du Bos。
195。 See the Establishment of the French Monarchy； iii； book VI； 4； p。 301。
196。 He cites the 44th title of this law； and the law of the Ripuarians； tit。 7 and 36。
197。 Qui in truste dominica est； tit。 44； § 4； and this relates to the 13th formulary of Marculfus； de regis Antrustione。 See also tit。 66； of the Salic law； §§ 3 and 4； and tit。 74； and the law of the Ripuarians； tit。 11； and the Capitulary of Charles the Bald； apud Carisiacum； in the year 877； cap。 xx。
198。 Salic law； tit。 44； § 6。
199。 Tit。 44； § 4。
200。 Tit。 44； § 1。
201。 Tit。 44； § 15。
202。 Tit。 44； § 7。
203。 Arts。 1； 2； and 3； of tit。 26； of the law of the Burgundians。
204。 Establishment of the French Monarchy； iii； book VI。 4； 5
205。 Ibid。； iii。 5； pp。 319； 320。
206。 Ibid。； iii； book VI； 4； pp。 307； 308。
207。 Ibid。； p。 309； and in the following chapter； pp。 310；320。
208。 See xxviii。 28 of this work； and xxxi。 8。
209。 Capitulary； Baluzius's edition； i； p。 19。
210。 See xxviii。 28 of this work； and xxxi。 8。
211。 Chapters 43； 44。
212。 Ibid。
213。 Establishment of the French Monarchy； iii； book VI； 4； p。 316。
214。 Ibid。； p。 316。
215。 Ibid。
216。 De Gestis Ludovici Pii； 43； 44。
217。 Chapter 23。
218。 Establishment of the French Monarchy； iii； book VI。 4； p。 302。
Book XXXI。 Theory of the Feudal Laws among the Franks； in the Relation They Bear to the Revolutions of their Monarchy
1。 Changes in the Offices and in the Fiefs。 The counts at first were sent into their districts only for a year； but they soon purchased the continuation of their offices。 Of this we have an example in the reign of Clovis' grandchildren。 A person named Peonius was count in the city of Auxerre；＇1＇ he sent his son Mummolus with money to Gontram； to prevail upon him to continue him in his employment； the son gave the money for himself； and obtained the father's place。 The kings had already begun to spoil their own favours。
Though by the laws of the kingdom the fiefs were precarious； yet they were neither given nor taken away in a capricious and arbitrary manner： nay； they were generally one of the principal subjects debated in the national assemblies。 It is natural； however； to imagine that corruption crept into this as well as the other case； and that the possession of the fiefs； like that of the counties； was continued for money。
I shall show in the course of this book；＇2＇ that； independently of the grants which the princes made for a certain time； there were others in perpetuity。 The court wanted to revoke the former grants； this occasioned a general discontent in the nation； and was soon followed by that famous revolution in French history； whose first epoch was the amazing spectacle of the execution of Brunehault。
That this queen； who was daughter； sister and mother of so many kings； a queen to this very day celebrated for public monuments worthy of a Roman ？dile or proconsul； born with an admirable genius for affairs； and endowed with qualities so long respected； should see herself of a sudden exposed to so slow； so ignominious and cruel a torture；＇3＇ by a king whose authority was but indifferently established in the nation；＇4＇ would appear very extraordinary； had she not incurred that nation's displeasure for some particular cause。 Clo…tharius reproached her with the murder of ten kings； but two of them he had put to death himself； the death of some of the others was owing to chance； or to the villainy of another queen；＇5＇ and a nation that had permitted Fredegunda to die in her bed；＇6＇ that had even opposed the punishment of her flagitious crimes； ought to have been very different with respect to those of Brunehault。
She was put upon a camel； and led ignominiously through the army； a certain sign that she had given great offence to those troops。 Fredegarius relates that Protarius；＇7＇ Brunehault's favourite； stripped the lords of their property； and filled the exchequer with the plunder； that he humbled the nobility； and that no person could be sure of continuing in any office or employment。 The army conspired against him； and he was stabbed in his tent； but Brunehault； either by revenging his death； or by pursuing the same plan；＇8＇ became every day more odious to the nation。＇9＇
Clotharius； ambitious of reigning alone； inflamed moreover with the most furious revenge； and sure of perishing if Brunehault's children got the upper hand； entered into a conspiracy against himself； and whether it was owing to ignorance； or to the necessity of his circumstances； he became Brunehault's accuser； and made a terrible example of that princess。
Warnacharius had been the very soul of the conspiracy formed against Brunehault。 Being at that time mayor of Burgundy； he made Clotharius consent that he should not be displaced while he lived。＇10＇ By this step the mayor could no longer be in the same case as the French lords before that period； and this authority began to render itself independent of the regal dignity。
It was Brunehault's unhappy regency which had exasperated the nation。 So long as the laws subsisted in their full force； no one could grumble at having been deprived of a fief； since the law did not bestow it upon him in perpetuity。 But when fiefs came to be acquired by avarice； by bad practices and corruption； they complained of being divested； by irregular means； of things that had been irregularly acquired。 Perhaps if the public good had been the motive of the revocation of those grants； nothing would have been said； but they pretended a regard for order while they were openly abetting the principles of corruption； the fiscal rights were claimed in order to lavish the public treasure； and grants were no longer the reward or the encouragement of services。 Brunehault； fro
