the path of empire-第42章

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　developing；　but　its　strength　and　direction　were　yet　to　be　determined。　Mexico　was　in　chaos；　and　upon　the　Government's　handling　of　it　would　depend　the　final　success　of　the　United　States　in　the　Caribbean　and　the　possibility　of　effecting　a　real　and　fruitful　cooperation　of　the　Americas。



CHAPTER　XVII。　World　Relationships

It　became　increasingly　evident　that　the　foreign　policy　of　the　United　States　could　not　consist　solely　of　a　Caribbean　policy；　a　Pan…American　policy；　and　a　Far　Eastern　policy；　but　that　it　must　necessarily　involve　a　world　policy。　During　the　years　after　the　Spanish　War　the　world　was　actively　discussing　peace；　but　all　the　while　war　was　in　the　air。　The　peace　devices　of　1815；　the　Holy　and　the　Quadruple　Alliances；　had　vanished。　The　world　had　ceased　to　regard　buffer　states　as　preventives　of　wars　between　the　great　nations；　although　at　the　time　few　believed　that　any　nation　would　ever　dare　to　treat　them　as　Germany　since　then　has　treated　Belgium。　The　balance　of　power　still　existed；　but　statesmen　were　ever　uncertain　as　to　whether　such　a　relation　of　states　was　really　conducive　to　peace　or　to　war。　A　concert　of　the　Great　Powers　resembling　the　Quadruple　Alliance　sought　to　regulate　such　vexing　problems　as　were　presented　by　the　Balkans　and　China；　but　their　concord　was　not　loud　enough　to　drown　the　notes　of　discord。

The　outspoken　word　of　governments　was　still　all　for　peace；　their　proposals　for　preserving。　it　were　of　two　kinds。　First；　there　was　the　time…honored　argument　that　the　best　preservative　of　peace　was　preparation　for　war。　Foremost　in　the　avowed　policies　of　the　day；　this　was　urged　by　some　who　really　believed　it；　by　some　who　hoped　for　war　and　intended　to　be　ready　for　it；　and　by　the　cynical　who　did　not　wish　for　war　but　thought　it　inevitable。　The　other　proposal　was　that　war　could　and　should　be　prevented　by　agreements　to　submit　all　differences　between　nations　to　international　tribunals　for　judgment。　In　the　United　States；　which　had　always　rejected　the　idea　of　balance　of　power；　and　which　only　in　Asia；　and　to　a　limited　degree；　assented　to　the　concert　of　powers；　one　or　the　other　of　these　two　views　was　urged　by　all　those　who　saw　that　the　United　States　had　actually　become　a　world　power；　that　isolation　no　longer　existed；　and　that　a　policy　of　nonintervention　could　not　keep　us　permanently　detached　from　the　current　of　world　politics。

The　foremost　advocates　of　preparedness　were　Theodore　Roosevelt　and　Admiral　Mahan。　It　was　little　enough　that　they　were　able　to　accomplish；　but　it　was　more　than　most　Americans　realize。　The　doubling　of　the　regular　army　which　the　Spanish　War　had　brought　about　was　maintained　but　was　less　important　than　its　improvement　in　organization。　Elihu　Root　and　William　H。　Taft；　as　Secretaries　of　War；　profiting　by　the　lessons　learned　in　Cuba；　established　a　general　staff；　provided　for　the　advanced　professional　training　of　officers；　and　became　sufficiently　acquainted　with　the　personnel　to　bring　into　positions　of　responsibility　those　who　deserved　to　hold　them。　The　navy　grew　with　less　resistance　on　the　part　of　the　public；　which　now　was　interested　in　observing　the　advance　in　the　rank　of　its　fleet　among　the　navies　of　the　world。　When　in　1907　Roosevelt　sent　the　American　battleship　squadron　on　a　voyage　around　the　world；　the　expedition　not　only　caused　a　pleased　self…consciousness　at　home　but　perhaps　impressed　foreign　nations　with　the　fact　that　the　United　States　now　counted　not　only　as　a　potential　but　as　an　actual　factor　in　world　affairs。

Greater　popular　interest；　if　one　may　judge　from　relative　achievement；　was　aroused　by　the　proposal　to　substitute　legal　for　military　battles。　The　United　States　had　always　been　disposed　to　submit　to　arbitration　questions　which　seemed　deadlocked。　The　making　of　general　arrangements　for　the　arbitration　of　cases　that　might　arise　in　the　future　was　now　advocated。　The　first　important　proposal　of　this　character　was　made　to　the　United　States　by　Great　Britain　at　the　time　of　the　Venezuela　affair。　This　proposal　was　rejected；　for　it　was　regarded　as　a　device　of　Great　Britain　to　cover　her　retreat　in　that　particular　case　by　suggesting　a　general　provision。　The　next　suggestion　was　that　made　by　the　Czar；　in　1899；　for　a　peace　conference　at　The　Hague。　This　invitation　the　United　States　accepted　with　hearty　good　will　and　she　concurred　in　the　establishment　of　a　permanent　court　of　arbitration　to　meet　in　that　city。　Andrew　Carnegie　built　a　home　for　it；　and　President　Roosevelt　sent　to　it　as　its　first　case　that　of　the　〃Pious　Fund；〃　concerning　which　the　United　States　had　long　been　in　dispute　with　Mexico。

The　establishment　of　a　world　court　promoted　the　formation　of　treaties　between　nations　by　which　they　agreed　to　submit　their　differences　to　The　Hague　or　to　similar　courts　especially　formed。　A　model；　or　as　it　was　called　a　〃mondial〃　treaty　was　drawn　up　by　the　conference　for　this　purpose。　Secretary　Hay　proceeded　to　draw　up　treaties　on　such　general　lines　with　a　number　of　nations；　and　President　Roosevelt　referred　them　to　the　Senate　with　his　warm　approval。　That　body；　however；　exceedingly　jealous　of　the　share　in　the　treaty…making　power　given　it　by　the　Constitution；　disliked　the　treaties；　because　it　feared　that　under　such　general　agreements　cases　would　be　submitted　to　The　Hague　Court　without　its　special　approval。*　Yet；　as　popular　sentiment　was　strongly　behind　the　movement；　the　Senate　ventured　only　to　amend　the　procedure　in　such　a　way　as　to　make　every　〃agreement〃　a　treaty　which　would　require　its　concurrence。　President　Roosevelt；　however；　was　so　much　incensed　at　this　important　change　that　he　refused　to　continue　the　negotiations。

*　The　second　article　in　these　treaties　read：　〃In　each　individual　case　the　high　contracting　parties；　before　appealing　to　the　Permanent　Court　of　Arbitration；　shall　conclude　a　special　agreement　defining　clearly　the　matter　in　dispute。〃


President　Taft　was　perhaps　more　interested　in　this　problem　than　in　any　other。　His　Secretary　of　State；　Elihu　Root；　reopened　negotiations　and；　in　1908　and　1909；　drew　up　a　large　number　of　treaties　in　a　form　which　met　the　wishes　of　the　Senate。　Before　the　Administration　closed；　the　United　States　had　agreed　to　submit　to　arbitration　all　questions；　except　those　of　certain　classes　especially　reserved；　that　might　arise　with　Great　Britain；　France；　Austro…Hungary；　China；　Costa　Rica；　Italy；　Denmark；　Japan；　Hayti；　Mexico；　the　Netherlands；　Norway；　Paraguay；　Spain；　Sweden；　Peru；　San　Salvador；　and　Switzerland。

Such　treaties　seemed　to　a　few　fearsome　souls　to　be　violations　of　the　injunctions　of　Washington　and　Jefferson　to　avoid　entangling　alliances；　but　to　most　they　seemed；　rather；　to　be　disentangling。　It　was；　indeed；　becoming　increasingly　apparent　that　the　world　was　daily　growing　smaller　and　that；　as　its　parts　were　brought　together　by　rail　and　steamships；　by　telegraph　and　wireless；　more　and　more　objects　of　common　interest　must　become　subject　to　common　regulation。　General　Grant　can　hardly　be　regarded　as　a　visionary；　and　yet　in　1873　in　his　second　inaugural　address；　he　had　said：　〃Commerce；　education；　and　rapid　transit　of　thought　and　matter　by　telegraph　and　steam　have　changed　all　this。。。。　I　believe　that　our　Great　Maker　is　preparing　the　world　in　His　own　good　time；　to　become　one　nation；　speaking　one　language；　and　when　armies　and　navies　will　be　no　longer　required。〃

Quietly；　without　general　interest；　or　even　particular　motive；　the　United　States　had　accepted　its　share　in　handling　many　such　world　problems。　As　early　as　1875　it　had　cooperated　in　founding　and　maintaining　at　Paris　an　International　Bureau　of　Weights　and　Measures。　In　1886　it　joined　in　an　international　agreement　for　the　protection　of　submarine　cables；　in　1890；　in　an　agreement　for　the　suppression　of　the　African　slave　trade；　in　1899；　in　an　agreement　for　the　regulation　of　the　importation　of　spirituous　liquors　into　Africa；　in　1902；　in　a　convention　of　American　powers　for　the　Arbitration　of　Pecuniary　Claims。　In　1903　it　united　with　various　American　powers　in　an　International　Sanitary　Convention；　in　1905　it　joined　with　most　countries　of　the　world　in　establishing　and　maintaining　an　International　Institute　of　Agriculture　at　Rome。　It　would　surprise　most　Americans　to　know　that　five　hundred　pages　of　their　collection　of　〃Treaties　and　Conventions〃　consist　o