the path of empire-第40章

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　and　urged　that　the　matter　be　submitted　to　arbitration。　Great　Britain　and　Italy　were　willing　to　come　to　an　understanding　and　withdrew；　but　Germany；　probably　intent　on　ulterior　objects；　was　unwilling　and　preferred　to　take　temporary　possession　of　certain　ports。　President　Roosevelt　then　summoned　the　German　Ambassador；　Dr。　Holleben；　and　told　him　that；　unless　Germany　consented　to　arbitrate；　Admiral　Dewey　would　be　ordered　at　noon　ten　days　later　to　proceed　to　Venezuela　and　protect　its　coast。　A　week　passed　with　no　message。　Holleben　called　on　the　President　but　rose　to　go　without　mentioning　Venezuela。　President　Roosevelt　thereupon　informed　the　Ambassador　that　he　had　changed　his　mind　and　had　decided　to　send　Admiral　Dewey　one　day　earlier　than　originally　planned；　he　further　explained　that　in　the　event　the　Kaiser　should　decide　to　arbitrate；　as　not　a　word　had　been　put　on　paper；　there　would　be　nothing　to　indicate　coercion。　Within　thirty…six　hours　Holleben　reported　that　Germany　would　arbitrate。　Only　once　before；　when　Seward　was　dealing　with　Napoleon　III　concerning　Mexico；　had　forcible　persuasion　been　used　to　maintain　the　Monroe　Doctrine。

It　was　perfectly　clear　that　if　the　United　States　sat　idly　by　and　allowed　European　powers　to　do　what　they　would　to　collect　their　Latin　American　debts；　the　Monroe　Doctrine　would　soon　become　a　dead　letter。　It　was　not；　however；　so　plain　how　American　interference　could　be　justified。　The　problem　was　obviously　a　difficult　one　and　did　not　concern　the　United　States　alone。　Latin　America　was　even　more　vitally　concerned　with　it；　and　her　statesmen；　always　lucid　exponents　of　international　law；　were　active　in　devising　remedies。　Carlos　Calvo　of　Argentina　advanced　the　doctrine　that　〃the　collection　of　pecuniary　claims　made　by　the　citizens　of　one　country　against　the　government　of　another　country　should　never　be　made　by　force。〃　Senior　Drago；　Minister　of　Foreign　Affairs　in　the　same　country　in　1902；　urged　upon　the　United　States　a　modification　of　the　same　view　by　asserting　that　〃the　public　debt　cannot　occasion　armed　intervention。〃

President　Roosevelt　handled　the　matter　in　his　messages　of　1903　and　1904。　〃That　our　rights　and　interests　are　deeply　concerned　in　the　maintenance　of　the　＇Monroe＇　Doctrine　is　so　clear　as　hardly　to　need　argument。　This　is　especially　true　in　view　of　the　construction　of　the　Panama　Canal。　As　a　mere　matter　of　self　defense　we　must　exercise　a　close　watch　over　the　approaches　to　this　canal；　and　this　means　we　must　be　thoroughly　alive　to　our　interests　in　the　Caribbean　Sea。〃　〃When　we　announce　a　policy。。。　we　thereby　commit　ourselves　to　the　consequences　of　the　policy。〃　〃Chronic　wrongdoing　or　an　impotence　which　results　in　a　general　loosening　of　the　ties　of　civilized　society；　may　in　America；　as　elsewhere；　ultimately　require　intervention　by　some　civilized　nation；　and　in　the　Western　Hemisphere　the　adherence　of　the　United　States　to　the　Monroe　Doctrine　may　force　the　United　States；　however　reluctantly；　in　flagrant　cases　of　such　wrongdoing　or　impotence；　to　the　exercise　of　an　international　police　power。〃

To　prevent　European　intervention　for　the　purpose　of　securing　just　claims　in　America；　then；　the　United　States　would　undertake　to　handle　the　case；　and　would　wield　the　〃Big　Stick〃　against　any　American　state　which　should　refuse　to　meet　its　obligations。　This　was　a　repetition；　in　a　different　tone；　of　Blaine's　〃Elder　Sister〃　program。　As　developed；　it　had　elements　also　of　Cleveland's　Venezuela　policy。　In　1907　the　United　States　submitted　to　the　Hague　Conference　a　modified　form　of　the　Drago　doctrine；　which　stated　that　the　use　of　force　to　collect　contract　debts　claimed　from　one　government　by　another　as　being　due　to　its　citizens　should　be　regarded　as　illegal；　unless　the　creditor　nation　first　offered　to　submit　its　claims　to　arbitration　and　this　offer　were　refused　by　the　nation　against　which　the　claim　was　directed。　The　interference　of　the　United　States；　therefore；　would　be　practically　to　hale　the　debtor　into　court。

Around　the　Caribbean；　however；　were　several　nations　not　only　unwilling　but　unable　to　pay　their　debts。　This　inability　was　not　due　to　the　fact　that　national　resources　were　lacking；　but　that　constant　revolution　scared　away　conservative　capital　from　seeking　constructive　investment　or　from　developing　their　natural　riches；　while　speculators　loaned　money　at　ruinous　rates　of　discount　to　tottering　presidents；　gambling　on　the　possibility　of　some　turn　in　fortune　that　would　return　them　tenfold。　The　worst　example　of　an　insolvent　and　recalcitrant　state　was　the　Dominican　Republic；　whose　superb　harbors　were　a　constant　temptation　to　ambitious　powers　willing　to　assume　its　debts　in　return　for　naval　stations；　and　whose　unscrupulous　rulers　could　nearly　always　be　bribed　to　sell　their　country　as　readily　as　anything　else。　In　the　case　of　this　country　President　Roosevelt　made　a　still　further　extension　of　the　Monroe　Doctrine　when；　in　1905；　he　concluded　a　treaty　whereby　the　United　States　agreed　to　undertake　the　adjustment　of　the　republic's　obligations　and　the　administration　of　its　custom　houses；　and　at　the　same　time　guarantee　the　territorial　integrity　of　the　republic。　This　arrangement　was　hotly　attacked　in　the　United　States　as　an　indication　of　growing　imperialism；　and；　though　it　was　defended　as　necessary　to　prevent　the　entrance　of　new　foreign　influences　into　the　Caribbean；　the　opposition　was　so　strong　that　the　treaty　was　not　accepted　by　the　Senate　until　1907；　and　then　only　in　a　modified　form　with　the　omission　of　the　territorial　guarantee。

For　the　United　States　thus　to　step　into　a　foreign　country　as　an　administrator　was　indeed　a　startling　innovation。　On　the　other　hand；　the　development　of　such　a　policy　was　a　logical　sequence　of　the　Monroe　Doctrine。　That　it　was　a　step　in　the　general　development　of　policy　on　the　part　of　the　United　States　and　not　a　random　leap　is　indicated　by　the　manner　in　which　it　has　been　followed　up。　In　1911　treaties　with　Nicaragua　and　Honduras　somewhat　similar　to　the　Dominican　protocol　were　negotiated　by　Secretary　Knox　but　failed　of　ratification。　Subsequently　under　President　Wilson's　Administration；　the　treaty　with　Nicaragua　was　redrafted　and　was　ratified　by　both　parties。　Hayti；　too；　was　in　financial　difficulties　and；　at　about　the　time　of　the　outbreak　of　the　Great　War；　it　was　reported　that　Germany　was　about　to　relieve　her　needs　at　the　price　of　harbors　and　of　control。　In　1915；　however；　the　United　States　took　the　island　under　its　protection　by　a　treaty　which　not　only　gave　the　Government　complete　control　of　the　fiscal　administration　but　bound　it　to　〃lend　an　efficient　aid　for　the　preservation　of　Haitian　independence　and　the　maintenance　of　a　government　adequate　for　the　protection　of　life；　property；　and　individual　liberty。〃

Since　1898；　then；　the　map　of　the　Caribbean　has　completely　changed　its　aspect。　The　sea　is　not　an　American　lake；　nor　do　the　Americans　wish　it　to　be　such。　In　time；　as　the　surrounding　countries　become　better　able　to　stand　alone；　direct　interference　on　the　part　of　the　United　States　will　doubtless　become　less　than　it　is　today。　There　is；　however；　practically　no　present　opportunity　for　a　non…American　power　to　establish　itself　and　to　threaten　the　commerce　or　the　canal　of　the　United　States。

Few　people　in　the　United　States　and　perhaps　fewer　in　the　countries　involved　realize　from　what　American　influence　has　saved　these　small　states。　A　glance　at　Africa　and　Asia　will　suggest　what　would　otherwise　have　been　the　case。　Without　the　United　States　and　its　leadership；　there　can　be　little　doubt　that　giant　semi…sovereign　corporations　owing　allegiance　to　some　great　power　would　now　possess　these　countries。　They　would　bristle　with　forts　and　police；　and　their　populations　would　be　in　a　state　of　absolute　political　and　of　quasi…economic　servitude。　They　might　today　be　more　orderly　and　perhaps　wealthier；　but　unless　the　fundamental　American　belief　in　democracy　and　self…government　is　wrong　they　would　be　infinitely　farther　from　their　true　goal；　which　involves　the　working　out　of　their　own　civilization。

The　Caribbean　is　but　a　portion　of　the　whole　international　problem　of　the　Americas；　and　the　methods　used　by　the　United　States　in　solving　its　problems　seemed　likely　to　postpone　that　sympathetic　union　of　the　whole　to　which　it　has　been　looking　forward　for　a　ce