the writings-4-第22章

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Mr。　Clay；　and　they　will　be　glad　to　hear　anything　from　that　authority。

While　he　was　in　Indiana　a　man　presented　a　petition　to　liberate　his

negroes；　and　he　（Mr。　Clay）　made　a　speech　in　answer　to　it；　which　I

suppose　he　carefully　wrote　out　himself　and　caused　to　be　published。　　I

have　before　me　an　extract　from　that　speech　which　constitutes　the

evidence　this　pretended　〃Old…Line　Whig〃　at　Chicago　brought　forward　to

show　that　Mr。　Clay　did　n't　suppose　the　negro　was　included　in　the

Declaration　of　Independence。　　Hear　what　Mr。　Clay　said：



〃And　what　is　the　foundation　of　this　appeal　to　me　in　Indiana　to

liberate　the　slaves　under　my　care　in　Kentucky？　　It　is　a　general

declaration　in　the　act　announcing　to　the　world　the　independence　of

the　thirteen　American　colonies；　that　all　men　are　created　equal。　　Now；

as　an　abstract　principle；　there　is　no　doubt　of　the　truth　of　that

declaration；　and　it　is　desirable；　in　the　original　construction　of

society　and　in　organized　societies；　to　keep　it　in　view　as　a　great

fundamental　principle。　　But；　then；　I　apprehend　that　in　no　society

that　ever　did　exist；　or　ever　shall　be　formed；　was　or　can　the　equality

asserted　among　the　members　of　the　human　race　be　practically　enforced

and　carried　out。　　There　are　portions；　large　portions；　women；　minors；

insane；　culprits；　transient　sojourners；　that　will　always　probably

remain　subject　to　the　government　of　another　portion　of　the　community。



〃That　declaration；　whatever　may　be　the　extent　of　its　import；　was　made

by　the　delegations　of　the　thirteen　States。　　In　most　of　them　slavery

existed；　and　had　long　existed；　and　was　established　by　law。　　It　was

introduced　and　forced　upon　the　colonies　by　the　paramount　law　of

England。　　Do　you　believe　that　in　making　that　declaration　the　States

that　concurred　in　it　intended　that　it　should　be　tortured　into　a

virtual　emancipation　of　all　the　slaves　within　their　respective

limits？　　Would　Virginia　and　other　Southern　States　have　ever　united　in

a　declaration　which　was　to　be　interpreted　into　an　abolition　of

slavery　among　them？　　Did　any　one　of　the　thirteen　colonies　entertain

such　a　design　or　expectation？　　To　impute　such　a　secret　and　unavowed

purpose；　would　be　to　charge　a　political　fraud　upon　the　noblest　band

of　patriots　that　ever　assembled　in　council；a　fraud　upon　the

Confederacy　of　the　Revolution；　a　fraud　upon　the　union　of　those　States

whose　Constitution　not　only　recognized　the　lawfulness　of　slavery；　but

permitted　the　importation　of　slaves　from　Africa　until　the　year　1808。〃





This　is　the　entire　quotation　brought　forward　to　prove　that　somebody

previous　to　three　years　ago　had　said　the　negro　was　not　included　in

the　term　〃all　men〃　in　the　Declaration。　　How　does　it　do　so？　　In　what

way　has　it　a　tendency　to　prove　that？　　Mr。　Clay　says　it　is　true　as　an

abstract　principle　that　all　men　are　created　equal；　but　that　we　cannot

practically　apply　it　in　all　eases。　　He　illustrates　this　by　bringing

forward　the　cases　of　females；　minors；　and　insane　persons；　with　whom

it　cannot　be　enforced；　but　he　says　it　is　true　as　an　abstract

principle　in　the　organization　of　society　as　well　as　in　organized

society　and　it　should　be　kept　in　view　as　a　fundamental　principle。

Let　me　read　a　few　words　more　before　I　add　some　comments　of　my　own。

Mr。　Clay　says；　a　little　further　on：



〃I　desire　no　concealment　of　my　opinions　in　regard　to　the　institution

of　slavery。　　I　look　upon　it　as　a　great　evil；　and　deeply　lament　that

we　have　derived　it　from　the　parental　government　and　from　our

ancestors。　　I　wish　every　slave　in　the　United　States　was　in　the

country　of　his　ancestors。　　But　here　they　are；　and　the　question　is；

How　can　they　be　best　dealt　with？　　If　a　state　of　nature　existed；　and

we　were　about　to　lay　the　foundations　of　society；　no　man　would　be　more

strongly　opposed　than　I　should　be　to　incorporate　the　institution　of

slavery　amongst　its　elements。〃





Now；　here　in　this　same　book；　in　this　same　speech；　in　this　same

extract；　brought　forward　to　prove　that　Mr。　Clay　held　that　the　negro

was　not　included　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　is　no　such

statement　on　his　part；　but　the　declaration　that　it　is　a　great

fundamental　truth　which　should　be　constantly　kept　in　view　in　the

organization　of　society　and　in　societies　already　organized。　　But　if　I

say　a　word　about　it；　if　I　attempt；　as　Mr。　Clay　said　all　good　men

ought　to　do；　to　keep　it　in　view；　if；　in　this　〃organized　society；〃　I

ask　to　have　the　public　eye　turned　upon　it；　if　I　ask；　in　relation　to

the　organization　of　new　Territories；　that　the　public　eye　should　be

turned　upon　it；　forthwith　I　am　vilified　as　you　hear　me　to…day。　　what

have　I　done　that　I　have　not　the　license　of　Henry　Clay's　illustrious

example　here　in　doing？　　Have　I　done　aught　that　I　have　not　his

authority　for；　while　maintaining　that　in　organizing　new　Territories

and　societies　this　fundamental　principle　should　be　regarded；　and　in

organized　society　holding　it　up　to　the　public　view　and　recognizing

what　he　recognized　as　the　great　principle　of　free　government？



And　when　this　new　principlethis　new　proposition　that　no　human　being

ever　thought　of　three　years　agois　brought　forward；　I　combat　it　as

having　an　evil　tendency；　if　not　an　evil　design。　　I　combat　it　as

having　a　tendency　to　dehumanize　the　negro；　to　take　away　from　him　the

right　of　ever　striving　to　be　a　man。　　I　combat　it　as　being　one　of　the

thousand　things　constantly　done　in　these　days　to　prepare　the　public

mind　to　make　property；　and　nothing　but　property；　of　the　negro　in　all

the　States　of　this　　Union。



But　there　is　a　point　that　I　wish；　before　leaving　this　part　of　the

discussion；　to　ask　attention　to。　　I　have　read　and　I　repeat　the　words

of　Henry　Clay：



〃I　desire　no　concealment　of　my　opinions　in　regard　to　the　institution

of　slavery。　　I　look　upon　it　as　a　great　evil；　and　deeply　lament　that

we　have　derived　it　from　the　parental　government　and　from　our

ancestors。　　I　wish　every　slave　in　the　United　States　was　in　the

country　of　his　ancestors。　　But　here　they　are；　and　the　question　is；

How　can　they　be　best　dealt　with？　　If　a　state　of　nature　existed；　and

we　were　about　to　lay　the　foundations　of　society；　no　man　would　be　more

strongly　opposed　than　I　should　be　to　incorporate　the　institution　of

slavery　amongst　its　elements。〃



The　principle　upon　which　I　have　insisted　in　this　canvass　is　in

relation　to　laying　the　foundations　of　new　societies。　　I　have　never

sought　to　apply　these　principles　to　the　old　States　for　the　purpose　of

abolishing　slavery　in　those　States。　　It　is　nothing　but　a　miserable

perversion　of　what　I　have　said；　to　assume　that　I　have　declared

Missouri；　or　any　other　slave　State；　shall　emancipate　her　slaves；　I

have　proposed　no　such　thing。　　But　when　Mr。　Clay　says　that　in　laying

the　foundations　of　society　in　our　Territories　where　it　does　not

exist；　he　would　be　opposed　to　the　introduction　of　slavery　as　an

element；　I　insist　that　we　have　his　warranthis　licensefor

insisting　upon　the　exclusion　of　that　element　which　he　declared　in

such　strong　and　emphatic　language　was　most　hurtful　to　　him。



Judge　Douglas　has　again　referred　to　a　Springfield　speech　in　which　I

said　〃a　house　divided　against　itself　cannot　stand。〃　　The　Judge　has　so

often　made　the　entire　quotation　from　that　speech　that　I　can　make　it

from　memory。　　I　used　this　language：



〃We　are　now　far　into　the　fifth　year　since　a　policy　was　initiated　with

the　avowed　object　and　confident　promise　of　putting　an　end　to　the

slavery　agitation。　　Under　the　operation　of　this　policy；　that

agitation　has　not　only　not　ceased；　but　has　constantly　augmented。　　In

my　opinion　it　will　not　cease　until　a　crisis　shall　have　been　reached

and　passed。　　'A　house　divided　against　itself　cannot　stand。'　I　believe

this　government　cannot　endure　permanently；　half　slave　and　half　free。

I　do　not　expect　the　house　to　fall；　but　I　do　expect　it　will　cease　to

be　divided。　　It　will　become　all　one　thing；　or　all　the　other。　　Either

the　opponents　of　slavery　will　arrest　the　further　spread　of　it；　and

place　it　where　the　public　mind　sha