the writings-4-第21章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



purpose　to　introduce　a　perfect　social　and　political　equality　between

the　white　and　black　races。　　His　assertion　that　I　made　an　〃especial

objection〃　（that　is　his　exact　language）　to　the　decision　on　this

account　is　untrue　in　point　of　fact。



Now；　while　I　am　upon　this　subject；　and　as　Henry　Clay　has　been　alluded

to；　I　desire　to　place　myself；　in　connection　with　Mr。　Clay；　as　nearly

right　before　this　people　as　may　be。　　I　am　quite　aware　what　the

Judge's　object　is　here　by　all　these　allusions。　　He　knows　that　we　are

before　an　audience　having　strong　sympathies　southward；　by

relationship；　place　of　birth；　and　so　on。　　He　desires　to　place　me　in

an　extremely　Abolition　attitude。　　He　read　upon　a　former　occasion；　and

alludes；　without　reading；　to…day　to　a　portion　of　a　speech　which　I

delivered　in　Chicago。　　In　his　quotations　from　that　speech；　as　he　has

made　them　upon　former　occasions；　the　extracts　were　taken　in　such　a

way　as；　I　suppose；　brings　them　within　the　definition　of　what　is

called　garbling；　　taking　portions　of　a　speech　which；　when　taken　by

themselves；　do　not　present　the　entire　sense　of　the　speaker　as

expressed　at　the　time。　　I　propose；　therefore；　out　of　that　same

speech；　to　show　how　one　portion　of　it　which　he　skipped　over　（taking

an　extract　before　and　an　extract　after）　will　give　a　different　idea；

and　the　true　idea　I　intended　to　convey。　　It　will　take　me　some　little

time　to　read　it；　but　I　believe　I　will　occupy　the　time　that　way。



You　have　heard　him　frequently　allude　to　my　controversy　with　him　in

regard　to　the　Declaration　of　Independence。　　I　confess　that　I　have　had

a　struggle　with　Judge　Douglas　on　that　matter；　and　I　will　try　briefly

to　place　myself　right　in　regard　to　it　on　this　occasion。　　I　saidand

it　is　between　the　extracts　Judge　Douglas　has　taken　from　this　speech；

and　put　in　his　published　speeches：



〃It　may　be　argued　that　there　are　certain　conditions　that　make

necessities　and　impose　them　upon　us；　and　to　the　extent　that　a

necessity　is　imposed　upon　a　man　he　must　submit　to　it。　　I　think　that

was　the　condition　in　which　we　found　ourselves　when　we　established

this　government。　　We　had　slaves　among　us；　we　could　not　get　our

Constitution　unless　we　permitted　them　to　remain　in　slavery；　we　could

not　secure　the　good　we　did　secure　if　we　grasped　for　more；　and　having

by　necessity　submitted　to　that　much；　it　does　not　destroy　the

principle　that　is　the　charter　of　our　liberties。　　Let　the　charter

remain　as　our　standard。〃



Now；　I　have　upon　all　occasions　declared　as　strongly　as　Judge　Douglas

against　the　disposition　to　interfere　with　the　existing　institution　of

slavery。　　You　hear　me　read　it　from　the　same　speech　from　which　he

takes　garbled　extracts　for　the　purpose　of　proving　upon　me　a

disposition　to　interfere　with　the　institution　of　slavery；　and

establish　a　perfect　social　and　political　equality　between　negroes　and

white　people。



Allow　me　while　upon　this　subject　briefly　to　present　one　other　extract

from　a　speech　of　mine；　more　than　a　year　ago；　at　Springfield；　in

discussing　this　very　same　question；　soon　after　Judge　Douglas　took　his

ground　that　negroes　were；　not　included　in　the　Declaration　of

Independence：



〃I　think　the　authors　of　that　notable　instrument　intended　to　include

all　men；　but　they　did　not　mean　to　declare　all　men　equal　in　all

respects。　　They　did　not　mean　to　say　all　men　were　equal　in　color；

size；　intellect；　moral　development；　or　social　capacity。　　They　defined

with　tolerable　distinctness　in　what　they　did　consider　all　men　created

equal；equal　in　certain　inalienable　rights；　among　which　are　life；

liberty；　and　the　pursuit　of　happiness。　　This　they　said；　and　this　they

meant。　　They　did　not　mean　to　assert　the　obvious　untruth　that　all　were

then　actually　enjoying　that　equality；　or　yet　that　they　were　about　to

confer　it　immediately　upon　them。　　In　fact　they　had　no　power　to　confer

such　a　boon。　　They　meant　simply　to　declare　the　right；　so　that　the

enforcement　of　it　might　follow　as　fast　as　circumstances　should

permit。



〃They　meant　to　set　up　a　standard　maxim　for　free　society　which　should

be　familiar　to　all；constantly　looked　to；　constantly　labored　for；

and　even；　though　never　perfectly　attained；　constantly　approximated；

and　thereby　constantly　spreading　and　deepening　its　influence；　and

augmenting　the　happiness　and　value　of　life　to　all　people；　of　all

colors；　everywhere。〃



There　again　are　the　sentiments　I　have　expressed　in　regard　to　the

Declaration　of　Independence　upon　a　former　occasion；sentiments　which

have　been　put　in　print　and　read　wherever　anybody　cared　to　know　what

so　humble　an　individual　as　myself　chose　to　say　in　regard　to　it。



At　Galesburgh；　the　other　day；　I　said；　in　answer　to　Judge　Douglas；

that　three　years　ago　there　never　had　been　a　man；　so　far　as　I　knew　or

believed；　in　the　whole　world；　who　had　said　that　the　Declaration　of

Independence　did　not　include　negroes　in　the　term　〃all　men。〃　　I

reassert　it　to…day。　　I　assert　that　Judge　Douglas　and　all　his　friends

may　search　the　whole　records　of　the　country；　and　it　will　be　a　matter

of　great　astonishment　to　me　if　they　shall　be　able　to　find　that　one

human　being　three　years　ago　had　ever　uttered　the　astounding　sentiment

that　the　term　〃all　men〃　in　the　Declaration　did　not　include　the　negro。

Do　not　let　me　be　misunderstood。　　I　know　that　more　than　three　years

ago　there　were　men　who；　finding　this　assertion　constantly　in　the　way

of　their　schemes　to　bring　about　the　ascendency　and　perpetuation　of

slavery；　denied　the　truth　of　it。　　I　know　that　Mr。　Calhoun　and　all　the

politicians　of　his　school　denied　the　truth　of　the　Declaration。　　I

know　that　it　ran　along　in　the　mouth　of　some　Southern　men　for　a　period

of　years；　ending　at　last　in　that　shameful；　though　rather　forcible；

declaration　of　Pettit　of　Indiana；　upon　the　floor　of　the　United　States

Senate；　that　the　Declaration　of　Independence　was　in　that　respect　〃a

self…evident　lie；〃　rather　than　a　self…evident　truth。　　But　I　say；　with

a　perfect　knowledge　of　all　this　hawking　at　the　Declaration　without

directly　attacking　it；　that　three　years　ago　there　never　had　lived　a

man　who　had　ventured　to　assail　it　in　the　sneaking　way　of　pretending

to　believe　it；　and　then　asserting　it　did　not　include　the　negro。　　I

believe　the　first　man　who　ever　said　it　was　Chief　Justice　Taney　in　the

Dred　Scott　case；　and　the　next　to　him　was　our　friend　Stephen　A。

Douglas。　　And　now　it　has　become　the　catchword　of　the　entire　party。　　I

would　like　to　call　upon　his　friends　everywhere　to　consider　how　they

have　come　in　so　short　a　time　to　view　this　matter　in　a　way　so　entirely

different　from　their　former　belief；　to　ask　whether　they　are　not　being

borne　along　by　an　irresistible　current；whither；　they　know　not。



In　answer　to　my　proposition　at　Galesburgh　last　week；　I　see　that　some

man　in　Chicago　has　got　up　a　letter；　addressed　to　the　Chicago　Times；

to　show；　as　he　professes；　that　somebody　had　said　so　before；　and　he

signs　himself　〃An　Old…Line　Whig；〃　if　I　remember　correctly。　　In　the

first　place；　I　would　say　he　was　not　an　old…line　Whig。　　I　am　somewhat

acquainted　with　old…line　Whigs　from　the　origin　to　the　end　of　that

party；　I　became　pretty　well　acquainted　with　them；　and　I　know　they

always　had　some　sense；　whatever　else　you　could　ascribe　to　them。　　I

know　there　never　was　one　who　had　not　more　sense　than　to　try　to　show

by　the　evidence　he　produces　that　some　men　had；　prior　to　the　time　I

named；　said　that　negroes　were　not　included　in　the　term　〃all　men〃　in

the　Declaration　of　Independence。　　What　is　the　evidence　he　produces？

I　will　bring　forward　his　evidence；　and　let　you　see　what　he　offers　by

way　of　showing　that　somebody　more　than　three　years　ago　had　said

negroes　were　not　included　in　the　Declaration。　　He　brings　forward　part

of　a　speech　from　Henry　Clay；the　part　of　the　speech　of　Henry　Clay

which　I　used　to　bring　forward　to　prove　precisely　the　contrary。　　I

guess　we　are　surrounded　to　some　extent　to…day　by　the　old　friends　of

Mr。　Clay；　and　they　will　be　glad　to　hear　anything　from　that　authority。

While　he　was　in　Indian