the writings-4-第15章

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will　now　read；　and　ask　you　to　notice　how　very　nearly　they　are　the

same　as　Judge　Douglas　says　were　delivered　by　me　down　in　Egypt。　　After

reading；　I　added　these　words：



〃Now；　gentlemen；　I　don't　want　to　read　at　any　great　length；　but　this

is　the　true　complexion　of　all　I　have　ever　said　in　regard　to　the

institution　of　slavery　or　the　black　race；　and　this　is　the　whole　of

it：　anything　that　argues　me　into　his　idea　of　perfect　social　and

political　equality　with　the　negro；　is　but　a　specious　and　fantastical

arrangement　of　words　by　which　a　man　can　prove　a　horse…chestnut　to　be

a　chestnut　horse。　　I　will　say　here；　while　upon　this　subject；　that　I

have　no　purpose；　directly　or　indirectly；　to　interfere　with　the

institution　in　the　States　where　it　exists。　　I　believe　I　have　no　right

to　do　so。　　I　have　no　inclination　to　do　so。　　I　have　no　purpose　to

introduce　political　and　social　equality　between　the　white　and　black

races。　　There　is　a　physical　difference　between　the　two　which；　in　my

judgment；　will　probably　forever　forbid　their　living　together　on　the

footing　of　perfect　equality；　and　inasmuch　as　it　becomes　a　necessity

that　there　must　be　a　difference；　I；　as　well　as　Judge　Douglas；　am　in

favor　of　the　race　to　which　I　belong　having　the　superior　position。　　I

have　never　said　anything　to　the　contrary；　but　I　hold　that；

notwithstanding　all　this；　there　is　no　reason　in　the　world　why　the

negro　is　not　entitled　to　all　the　rights　enumerated　in　the　Declaration

of　Independence；the　right　of　life；　liberty；　and　the　pursuit　of

happiness。　　I　hold　that　he　is　as　much　entitled　to　these　as　the　white

man。　　I　agree　with　Judge　Douglas　that　he　is　not　my　equal　in　many

respects；　certainly　not　in　color；　perhaps　not　in　intellectual　and

moral　endowments；　but　in　the　right　to　eat　the　bread；　without　the

leave　of　anybody　else；　which　his　own　hand　earns；　he　is　my　equal　and

the　equal　of　Judge　Douglas；　and　the　equal　of　every　other　man。〃



I　have　chiefly　introduced　this　for　the　purpose　of　meeting　the　Judge's

charge　that　the　quotation　he　took　from　my　Charleston　speech　was　what

I　would　say　down　South　among　the　Kentuckians；　the　Virginians；　etc。；

but　would　not　say　in　the　regions　in　which　was　supposed　to　be　more　of

the　Abolition　element。　　I　now　make　this　comment：　That　speech　from

which　I　have　now　read　the　quotation；　and　which　is　there　given

correctlyperhaps　too　much　so　for　good　tastewas　made　away　up　North

in　the　Abolition　District　of　this　State　par　excellence；　in　the

Lovejoy　District；　in　the　personal　presence　of　Lovejoy；　for　he　was　on

the　stand　with　us　when　I　made　it。　　It　had　been　made　and　put　in　print

in　that　region　only　three　days　less　than　a　month　before　the　speech

made　at　Charleston；　the　like　of　which　Judge　Douglas　thinks　I　would

not　make　where　there　was　any　Abolition　element。　　I　only　refer　to　this

matter　to　say　that　I　am　altogether　unconscious　of　having　attempted

any　double…dealing　anywhere；　that　upon　one　occasion　I　may　say　one

thing；　and　leave　other　things　unsaid；　and　vice　versa；　but　that　I　have

said　anything　on　one　occasion　that　is　inconsistent　with　what　I　have

said　elsewhere；　I　deny；　at　least　I　deny　it　so　far　as　the　intention　is

concerned。　　I　find　that　I　have　devoted　to　this　topic　a　larger　portion

of　my　time　than　I　had　intended。　　I　wished　to　show；　but　I　will　pass　it

upon　this　occasion；　that　in　the　sentiment　I　have　occasionally

advanced　upon　the　Declaration　of　Independence　I　am　entirely　borne　out

by　the　sentiments　advanced　by　our　old　Whig　leader；　Henry　Clay；　and　I

have　the　book　here　to　show　it　from　but　because　I　have　already

occupied　more　time　than　I　intended　to　do　on　that　topic；　I　pass　over

it。



At　Galesburgh；　I　tried　to　show　that　by　the　Dred　Scott　decision；

pushed　to　its　legitimate　consequences；　slavery　would　be　established

in　all　the　States　as　well　as　in　the　Territories。　　I　did　this　because；

upon　a　former　occasion；　I　had　asked　Judge　Douglas　whether；　if　the

Supreme　Court　should　make　a　decision　declaring　that　the　States　had

not　the　power　to　exclude　slavery　from　their　limits；　he　would　adopt

and　follow　that　decision　as　a　rule　of　political　action；　and　because

he　had　not　directly　answered　that　question；　but　had　merely　contented

himself　with　sneering　at　it；　I　again　introduced　it；　and　tried　to　show

that　the　conclusion　that　I　stated　followed　inevitably　and　logically

from　the　proposition　already　decided　by　the　court。　　Judge　Douglas　had

the　privilege　of　replying　to　me　at　Galesburgh；　and　again　he　gave　me

no　direct　answer　as　to　whether　he　would　or　would　not　sustain　such　a

decision　if　made。　　I　give　him　his　third　chance　to　say　yes　or　no。　　He

is　not　obliged　to　do　either；　probably　he　will　not　do　either；　but　I

give　him　the　third　chance。　　I　tried　to　show　then　that　this　result；

this　conclusion；　inevitably　followed　from　the　point　already　decided

by　the　court。　　The　Judge；　in　his　reply；　again　sneers　at　the　thought

of　the　court　making　any　such　decision；　and　in　the　course　of　his

remarks　upon　this　subject　uses　the　language　which　I　will　now　read。

Speaking　of　me；　the　Judge　says：



〃He　goes　on　and　insists　that　the　Dred　Scott　decision　would　carry

slavery　into　the　free　States；　notwithstanding　the　decision　itself

says　the　contrary。〃　　And　he　adds：



〃Mr。　Lincoln　knows　that　there　is　no　member　of　the　Supreme　Court　that

holds　that　doctrine。　　He　knows　that　every　one　of　them　in　their

opinions　held　the　reverse。



I　especially　introduce　this　subject　again　for　the　purpose　of　saying

that　I　have　the　Dred　Scott　decision　here；　and　I　will　thank　Judge

Douglas　to　lay　his　finger　upon　the　place　in　the　entire　opinions　of

the　court　where　any　one　of　them　〃says　the　contrary。〃　　It　is　very　hard

to　affirm　a　negative　with　entire　confidence。　　I　say；　however；　that　I

have　examined　that　decision　with　a　good　deal　of　care；　as　a　lawyer

examines　a　decision　and；　so　far　as　I　have　been　able　to　do　so；　the

court　has　nowhere　in　its　opinions　said　that　the　States　have　the　power

to　exclude　slavery；　nor　have　they　used　other　language　substantially

that；　I　also　say；　so　far　as　I　can　find；　not　one　of　the　concurring

judges　has　said　that　the　States　can　exclude　slavery；　nor　said

anything　that　was　substantially　that。　　The　nearest　approach　that　any

one　of　them　has　made　to　it；　so　far　as　I　can　find；　was　by　Judge

Nelson；　and　the　approach　he　made　to　it　was　exactly；　in　substance；　the

Nebraska　Bill；that　the　States　had　the　exclusive　power　over　the

question　of　slavery；　so　far　as　they　are　not　limited　by　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States。　　I　asked　the　question；　therefore；

if　the　non…concurring　judges；　McLean　or　Curtis；　had　asked　to　get　an

express　declaration　that　the　States　could　absolutely　exclude　slavery

from　their　limits；　what　reason　have　we　to　believe　that　it　would　not

have　been　voted　down　by　the　majority　of　the　judges；　just　as　Chase's

amendment　was　voted　down　by　Judge　Douglas　and　his　compeers　when　it

was　offered　to　the　Nebraska　Bill。



Also；　at　Galesburgh；　I　said　something　in　regard　to　those　Springfield

resolutions　that　Judge　Douglas　had　attempted　to　use　upon　me　at

Ottawa；　and　commented　at　some　length　upon　the　fact　that　they　were；　as

presented；　not　genuine。　　Judge　Douglas　in　his　reply　to　me　seemed　to

be　somewhat　exasperated。　　He　said　he　would　never　have　believed　that

Abraham　Lincoln；　as　he　kindly　called　me；　would　have　attempted　such　a

thing　as　I　had　attempted　upon　that　occasion；　and　among　other

expressions　which　he　used　toward　me；　was　that　I　dared　to　say　forgery；

that　I　had　dared　to　say　forgery　＇turning　to　Judge　Douglas＇。　　Yes；

Judge；　I　did　dare　to　say　forgery。　　But　in　this　political　canvass　the

Judge　ought　to　remember　that　I　was　not　the　first　who　dared　to　say

forgery。　　At　Jacksonville；　Judge　Douglas　made　a　speech　in　answer　to

something　said　by　Judge　Trumbull；　and　at　the　close　of　what　he　said

upon　that　subject；　he　dared　to　say　that　Trumbull　had　forged　his

evidence。　　He　said；　too；　that　he　should　not　concern　himself　with

Trumbull　any　more；　but　thereafter　he　should　hold　Lincoln　responsible

for　the　slanders　upon　him。