part17-第15章

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volume　from　which　a　printed　copy　is　now　preparing　for　publication。




　　　　　　　　This　statement　meets；　I　believe；　all　the　enquiries　of　your

letter；　and　where　it　is　not　sufficiently　minute；　Mr。　Milligan；　from

his　necessary　acquaintance　with　the　arrangement；　will　be　able　to

supply　the　smaller　details。　　Accept　the　assurances　of　my　respect　and

consideration。







　　　　　　　　MANUFACTURES




　　　　　　　　_To　Benjamin　Austin_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　January　9；　1816_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Your　favor　of　December　21st　has　been　received；　and

I　am　first　to　thank　you　for　the　pamphlet　it　covered。　　The　same

description　of　persons　which　is　the　subject　of　that　is　so　much

multiplied　here　too；　as　to　be　almost　a　grievance；　and　by　their

numbers　in　the　public　councils；　have　wrested　from　the　public　hand　the

direction　of　the　pruning　knife。　　But　with　us　as　a　body；　they　are

republican；　and　mostly　moderate　in　their　views；　so　far；　therefore；

less　objects　of　jealousy　than　with　you。　　Your　opinions　on　the　events

which　have　taken　place　in　France；　are　entirely　just；　so　far　as　these

events　are　yet　developed。　　But　they　have　not　reached　their　ultimate

termination。　　There　is　still　an　awful　void　between　the　present　and

what　is　to　be　the　last　chapter　of　that　history；　and　I　fear　it　is　to

be　filled　with　abominations　as　frightful　as　those　which　have　already

disgraced　it。　　That　nation　is　too　high…minded；　has　too　much　innate

force；　intelligence　and　elasticity；　to　remain　under　its　present

compression。　　Samson　will　arise　in　his　strength；　as　of　old；　and　as　of

old　will　burst　asunder　the　withes　and　the　cords；　and　the　webs　of　the

Philistines。　　But　what　are　to　be　the　scenes　of　havoc　and　horror；　and

how　widely　they　may　spread　between　brethren　of　the　same　house；　our

ignorance　of　the　interior　feuds　and　antipathies　of　the　country　places

beyond　our　ken。　　It　will　end；　nevertheless；　in　a　representative

government；　in　a　government　in　which　the　will　of　the　people　will　be

an　effective　ingredient。　　This　important　element　has　taken　root　in

the　European　mind；　and　will　have　its　growth；　their　despots；　sensible

of　this；　are　already　offering　this　modification　of　their　governments；

as　if　on　their　own　accord。　　Instead　of　the　parricide　treason　of

Bonaparte；　in　perverting　the　means　confided　to　him　as　a　republican

magistrate；　to　the　subversion　of　that　republic　and　erection　of　a

military　despotism　for　himself　and　his　family；　had　he　used　it

honestly　for　the　establishment　and　support　of　a　free　government　in

his　own　country；　France　would　now　have　been　in　freedom　and　rest；　and

her　example　operating　in　a　contrary　direction；　every　nation　in　Europe

would　have　had　a　government　over　which　the　will　of　the　people　would

have　had　some　control。　　His　atrocious　egotism　has　checked　the

salutary　progress　of　principle；　and　deluged　it　with　rivers　of　blood

which　are　not　yet　run　out。　　To　the　vast　sum　of　devastation　and　of

human　misery；　of　which　he　has　been　the　guilty　cause；　much　is　still　to

be　added。　　But　the　object　is　fixed　in　the　eye　of　nations；　and　they

will　press　on　to　its　accomplishment　and　to　the　general　amelioration

of　the　condition　of　man。　　What　a　germ　have　we　planted；　and　how

faithfully　should　we　cherish　the　parent　tree　at　home！




　　　　　　　　You　tell　me　I　am　quoted　by　those　who　wish　to　continue　our

dependence　on　England　for　manufactures。　　There　was　a　time　when　I

might　have　been　so　quoted　with　more　candor；　but　within　the　thirty

years　which　have　since　elapsed；　how　are　circumstances　changed！　　We

were　then　in　peace。　　Our　independent　place　among　nations　was

acknowledged。　　A　commerce　which　offered　the　raw　material　in　exchange

for　the　same　material　after　receiving　the　last　touch　of　industry；　was

worthy　of　welcome　to　all　nations。　　It　was　expected　that　those

especially　to　whom　manufacturing　industry　was　important；　would

cherish　the　friendship　of　such　customers　by　every　favor；　by　every

inducement；　and　particularly　cultivate　their　peace　by　every　act　of

justice　and　friendship。　　Under　this　prospect　the　question　seemed

legitimate；　whether；　with　such　an　immensity　of　unimproved　land；

courting　the　hand　of　husbandry；　the　industry　of　agriculture；　or　that

of　manufactures；　would　add　most　to　the　national　wealth？　　And　the

doubt　was　entertained　on　this　consideration　chiefly；　that　to　the

labor　of　the　husbandman　a　vast　addition　is　made　by　the　spontaneous

energies　of　the　earth　on　which　it　is　employed：　for　one　grain　of　wheat

committed　to　the　earth；　she　renders　twenty；　thirty；　and　even　fifty

fold；　whereas　to　the　labor　of　the　manufacturer　nothing　is　added。

Pounds　of　flax；　in　his　hands；　yield；　on　the　contrary；　but

penny…weights　of　lace。　　This　exchange；　too；　laborious　as　it　might

seem；　what　a　field　did　it　promise　for　the　occupations　of　the　ocean；

what　a　nursery　for　that　class　of　citizens　who　were　to　exercise　and

maintain　our　equal　rights　on　that　element？　　This　was　the　state　of

things　in　1785；　when　the　〃Notes　on　Virginia〃　were　first　printed；

when；　the　ocean　being　open　to　all　nations；　and　their　common　right　in

it　acknowledged　and　exercised　under　regulations　sanctioned　by　the

assent　and　usage　of　all；　it　was　thought　that　the　doubt　might　claim

some　consideration。　　But　who　in　1785　could　foresee　the　rapid

depravity　which　was　to　render　the　close　of　that　century　the　disgrace

of　the　history　of　man？　　Who　could　have　imagined　that　the　two　most

distinguished　in　the　rank　of　nations；　for　science　and　civilization；

would　have　suddenly　descended　from　that　honorable　eminence；　and

setting　at　defiance　all　those　moral　laws　established　by　the　Author　of

nature　between　nation　and　nation；　as　between　man　and　man；　would　cover

earth　and　sea　with　robberies　and　piracies；　merely　because　strong

enough　to　do　it　with　temporal　impunity；　and　that　under　this

disbandment　of　nations　from　social　order；　we　should　have　been

despoiled　of　a　thousand　ships；　and　have　thousands　of　our　citizens

reduced　to　Algerine　slavery。　　Yet　all　this　has　taken　place。　　One　of

these　nations　interdicted　to　our　vessels　all　harbors　of　the　globe

without　having　first　proceeded　to　some　one　of　hers；　there　paid　a

tribute　proportioned　to　the　cargo；　and　obtained　her　license　to

proceed　to　the　port　of　destination。　　The　other　declared　them　to　be

lawful　prize　if　they　had　touched　at　the　port；　or　been　visited　by　a

ship　of　the　enemy　nation。　　Thus　were　we　completely　excluded　from　the

ocean。　　Compare　this　state　of　things　with　that　of　'85；　and　say

whether　an　opinion　founded　in　the　circumstances　of　that　day　can　be

fairly　applied　to　those　of　the　present。　　We　have　experienced　what　we

did　not　then　believe；　that　there　exists　both　profligacy　and　power

enough　to　exclude　us　from　the　field　of　interchange　with　other

nations：　that　to　be　independent　for　the　comforts　of　life　we　must

fabricate　them　ourselves。　　We　must　now　place　the　manufacturer　by　the

side　of　the　agriculturist。　　The　former　question　is　suppressed；　or

rather　assumes　a　new　form。　　Shall　we　make　our　own　comforts；　or　go

without　them；　at　the　will　of　a　foreign　nation？　　He；　therefore；　who　is

now　against　domestic　manufacture；　must　be　for　reducing　us　either　to

dependence　on　that　foreign　nation；　or　to　be　clothed　in　skins；　and　to

live　like　wild　beasts　in　dens　and　caverns。　　I　am　not　one　of　these；

experience　has　taught　me　that　manufactures　are　now　as　necessary　to

our　independence　as　to　our　comfort；　and　if　those　who　quote　me　as　of　a

different　opinion；　will　keep　pace　with　me　in　purchasing　nothing

foreign　where　an　equivalent　of　domestic　fabric　can　be　obtained；

without　regard　to　difference　of　price；　it　will　not　be　our　fault　if　we

do　not　soon　have　a　supply　at　home　equal　to　our　demand；　and　wrest　that

weapon　of　distress　from　the　hand　which　has　wielded　it。　　If　it　shall

be　proposed　to　go　beyond　our　own　supply；　the　question　of　'85　will

then　recur；　will　our　_surplus_　labor　be　then　most　beneficially

employed　in　the　culture　of　the　earth；　or　in　the　fabrications　of　art？

We　have　time　yet　for　consideration；　before　that　question　will　press

upon　us；　and　t