part17-第12章

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We　must　meet；　therefore；　the　former　as　the　casualties　of　tempests　and

earthquakes；　and　like　them　necessarily　resulting　from　the

constitution　of　the　world。　　Your　situation；　my　dear　friend；　is　much

better。　　For；　although　I　do　not　know　with　certainty　the　nature　of

your　investments；　yet　I　presume　they　are　not　in　banks；　insurance

companies；　or　any　other　of　those　gossamer　castles。　　If　in

ground…rents；　they　are　solid；　if　in　stock　of　the　United　States；　they

are　equally　so。　　I　once　thought　that　in　the　event　of　a　war　we　should

be　obliged　to　suspend　paying　the　interest　of　the　public　debt。　　But　a

dozen　years　more　of　experience　and　observation　on　our　people　and

government；　have　satisfied　me　it　will　never　be　done。　　The　sense　of

the　necessity　of　public　credit　is　so　universal　and　so　deeply　rooted；

that　no　other　necessity　will　prevail　against　it；　and　I　am　glad　to　see

that　while　the　former　eight　millions　are　steadfastly　applied　to　the

sinking　of　the　old　debt；　the　Senate　have　lately　insisted　on　a　sinking

fund　for　the　new。　　This　is　the　dawn　of　that　improvement　in　the

management　of　our　finances　which　I　look　to　for　salvation；　and　I　trust

that　the　light　will　continue　to　advance；　and　point　out　their　way　to

our　legislators。　　They　will　soon　see　that　instead　of　taxes　for　the

whole　year's　expenses；　which　the　people　cannot　pay；　a　tax　to　the

amount　of　the　interest　and　a　reasonable　portion　of　the　principal　will

command　the　whole　sum；　and　throw　a　part　of　the　burthens　of　war　on

times　of　peace　and　prosperity。　　A　sacred　payment　of　interest　is　the

only　way　to　make　the　most　of　their　resources；　and　a　sense　of　that

renders　your　income　from　our　funds　more　certain　than　mine　from　lands。

Some　apprehend　danger　from　the　defection　of　Massachusetts。　　It　is　a

disagreeable　circumstance；　but　not　a　dangerous　one。　　If　they　become

neutral；　we　are　sufficient　for　one　enemy　without　them；　and　in　fact　we

get　no　aid　from　them　now。　　If　their　administration　determines　to　join

the　enemy；　their　force　will　be　annihilated　by　equality　of　division

among　themselves。　　Their　federalists　will　then　call　in　the　English

army；　the　republicans　ours；　and　it　will　only　be　a　transfer　of　the

scene　of　war　from　Canada　to　Massachusetts；　and　we　can　get　ten　men　to

go　to　Massachusetts　for　one　who　will　go　to　Canada。　　Every　one；　too；

must　know　that　we　can　at　any　moment　make　peace　with　England　at　the

expense　of　the　navigation　and　fisheries　of　Massachusetts。　　But　it

will　not　come　to　this。　　Their　own　people　will　put　down　these

factionists　as　soon　as　they　see　the　real　object　of　their　opposition；

and　of　this　Vermont；　New　Hampshire；　and　even　Connecticut　itself；

furnish　proofs。




　　　　　　　　You　intimate　a　possibility　of　your　return　to　France；　now　that

Bonaparte　is　put　down。　　I　do　not　wonder　at　it；　France；　freed　from

that　monster；　must　again　become　the　most　agreeable　country　on　earth。

It　would　be　the　second　choice　of　all　whose　ties　of　family　and　fortune

gives　a　preference　to　some　other　one；　and　the　first　of　all　not　under

those　ties。　　Yet　I　doubt　if　the　tranquillity　of　France　is　entirely

settled。　　If　her　Pretorian　bands　are　not　furnished　with　employment　on

her　external　enemies；　I　fear　they　will　recall　the　old；　or　set　up　some

new　cause。




　

　　　　　　　　God　bless　you　and　preserve　you　in　bodily　health。　　Tranquillity

of　mind　depends　much　on　ourselves；　and　greatly　on　due　reflection　〃how

much　pain　have　cost　us　the　evils　which　have　never　happened。〃

Affectionately　adieu。







　　　　　　　　WAR；　REVOLUTION；　AND　RESTORATION




　　　　　　　　_To　Lafayette_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　February　14；　1815_




　　　　　　　　MY　DEAR　FRIEND；　　Your　letter　of　August　the　14th　has　been

received　and　read　again；　and　again；　with　extraordinary　pleasure。　　It

is　the　first　glimpse　which　has　been　furnished　me　of　the　interior

workings　of　the　late　unexpected　but　fortunate　revolution　of　your

country。　　The　newspapers　told　us　only　that　the　great　beast　was

fallen；　but　what　part　in　this　the　patriots　acted；　and　what　the

egotists；　whether　the　former　slept　while　the　latter　were　awake　to

their　own　interests　only；　the　hireling　scribblers　of　the　English

press　said　little　and　knew　less。　　I　see　now　the　mortifying

alternative　under　which　the　patriot　there　is　placed；　of　being　either

silent；　or　disgraced　by　an　association　in　opposition　with　the　remains

of　Bonapartism。　　A　full　measure　of　liberty　is　not　now　perhaps　to　be

expected　by　your　nation；　nor　am　I　confident　they　are　prepared　to

preserve　it。　　More　than　a　generation　will　be　requisite；　under　the

administration　of　reasonable　laws　favoring　the　progress　of　knowledge

in　the　general　mass　of　the　people；　and　their　habituation　to　an

independent　security　of　person　and　property；　before　they　will　be

capable　of　estimating　the　value　of　freedom；　and　the　necessity　of　a

sacred　adherence　to　the　principles　on　which　it　rests　for

preservation。　　Instead　of　that　liberty　which　takes　root　and　growth　in

the　progress　of　reason；　if　recovered　by　mere　force　or　accident；　it

becomes；　with　an　unprepared　people；　a　tyranny　still；　of　the　many；　the

few；　or　the　one。　　Possibly　you　may　remember；　at　the　date　of　the　_jeu

de　paume_；　how　earnestly　I　urged　yourself　and　the　patriots　of　my

acquaintance；　to　enter　then　into　a　compact　with　the　king；　securing

freedom　of　religion；　freedom　of　the　press；　trial　by　jury；　_habeas

corpus_；　and　a　national　legislature；　all　of　which　it　was　known　he

would　then　yield；　to　go　home；　and　let　these　work　on　the　amelioration

of　the　condition　of　the　people；　until　they　should　have　rendered　them

capable　of　more；　when　occasions　would　not　fail　to　arise　for

communicating　to　them　more。　　This　was　as　much　as　I　then　thought　them

able　to　bear；　soberly　and　usefully　for　themselves。　　You　thought

otherwise；　and　that　the　dose　might　still　be　larger。　　And　I　found　you

were　right；　for　subsequent　events　proved　they　were　equal　to　the

constitution　of　1791。　　Unfortunately；　some　of　the　most　honest　and

enlightened　of　our　patriotic　friends；　（but　closet　politicians　merely；

unpractised　in　the　knowledge　of　man；）　thought　more　could　still　be

obtained　and　borne。　　They　did　not　weigh　the　hazards　of　a　transition

from　one　form　of　government　to　another；　the　value　of　what　they　had

already　rescued　from　those　hazards；　and　might　hold　in　security　if

they　pleased；　nor　the　imprudence　of　giving　up　the　certainty　of　such　a

degree　of　liberty；　under　a　limited　monarch；　for　the　uncertainty　of　a

little　more　under　the　form　of　a　republic。　　You　differed　from　them。

You　were　for　stopping　there；　and　for　securing　the　constitution　which

the　National　Assembly　had　obtained。　　Here；　too；　you　were　right；　and

from　this　fatal　error　of　the　republicans；　from　their　separation　from

yourself　and　the　constitutionalists；　in　their　councils；　flowed　all

the　subsequent　sufferings　and　crimes　of　the　French　nation。　　The

hazards　of　a　second　change　fell　upon　them　by　the　way。　　The　foreigner

gained　time　to　anarchise　by　gold　the　government　he　could　not

overthrow　by　arms；　to　crush　in　their　own　councils　the　genuine

republicans；　by　the　fraternal　embraces　of　exaggerated　and　hired

pretenders；　and　to　turn　the　machine　of　Jacobinism　from　the　change　to

the　destruction　of　order；　and；　in　the　end；　the　limited　monarchy　they

had　secured　was　exchanged　for　the　unprincipled　and　bloody　tyranny　of

Robespierre；　and　the　equally　unprincipled　and　maniac　tyranny　of

Bonaparte。　　You　are　now　rid　of　him；　and　I　sincerely　wish　you　may

continue　so。　　But　this　may　depend　on　the　wisdom　and　moderation　of　the

restored　dynasty。　　It　is　for　them　now　to　read　a　lesson　in　the　fatal

errors　of　the　republicans；　to　be　contented　with　a　certain　portion　of

power；　secured　by　formal　compact　with　the　nation；　rather　than；

grasping　at　more；　hazard　all　upon　uncertainty；　and　risk　meeting　the

fate　of　their　predecessor；　or　a　renewal　of　their　own　exile。　　We　are

just　informed；　too；　of　an　example　which　merits；　if　true；　their　most

profound　contemplation。　　The　gazettes　say　that　Ferdinand　of　Spain　is

dethroned；　and　his　father　re…established