the psychology of revolution-第52章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



understand　that　to　detach　the　Church　from　the　Government　is　to

create　a　state　within　the　State；　so　that　they　are　liable　to　find

themselves　opposed　by　a　formidable　caste；　directed　by　a　master

outside　France；　and　necessarily　hostile　to　France。　　To　give　one's

enemies　a　liberty　they　did　not　possess　is　extremely　dangerous。　

Never　would　Napoleon；　nor　any　of　the　sovereigns　who　preceded　him；

have　consented　to　make　the　clergy　independent　of　the　State；　as

they　have　become　to…day。



The　difficulties　of　Bonaparte　the　First　Consul　were　far　greater

than　those　he　had　to　surmount　after　his　coronation。　　Only　a

profound　knowledge　of　men　enabled　him　to　triumph　over　them。　　The

future　master　was　far　from　being　the　master　as　yet。　　Many

departments　were　still　in　insurrection。　　Brigandage　persisted；

and　the　Midi　was　ravaged　by　the　struggles　of　partisans。　

Bonaparte；　as　Consul；　had　to　conciliate　and　handle　Talleyrand；

Fouche；　and　a　number　of　generals　who　thought　themselves　his

equal。　　Even　his　brothers　conspired　against　his　power。　　Napoleon；

as　Emperor；　had　no　hostile　party　to　face；　but　as　Consul　he　

had　to　combat　all　the　parties　and　to　hold　the　balance　equal　among

them。　　This　must　indeed　have　been　a　difficult　task；　since　during

the　last　century　very　few　Governments　have　succeeded　in

accomplishing　it。



The　success　of　such　an　undertaking　demanded　an　extremely　subtle

mixture　of　finesse；　firmness；　and　diplomacy。　　Not　feeling

himself　powerful　enough　as　yet；　Bonaparte　the　Consul　made　a　rule；

according　to　his　own　expression；　‘‘of　governing　men　as　the

greater　number　wish　to　be　governed。''　　As　Emperor　he　often

managed　to　govern　them　according　to　his　own　ideal。



We　have　travelled　a　long　way　since　the　time　when　historians；　in

their　singular　blindness；　and　great　poets；　who　possessed　more

talent　than　psychology；　would　hold　forth　in　indignant　accents

against　the　coup　d'etat　of　Brumaire。　　What　profound

illusions　underlay　the　assertion　that　‘‘France　lay　fair　in

Messidor's　great　sun''！　　And　other　illusions　no　less　profound

underlay　such　verdicts　as　that　of　Victor　Hugo　concerning　this

period。　　We　have　seen　that　the　‘‘Crime　of　Brumaire''　had　as　an

enthusiastic　accomplice；　not　only　the　Government　itself　but　the

whole　of　France；　which　it　delivered　from　anarchy。



One　may　wonder　how　intelligent　men　could　so　misjudge　a　period　of

history　which　is　nevertheless　so　clear。　　It　was　doubtless　because

they　saw　events　through　their　own　convictions；　and　we　know　what

transformations　the　truth　may　suffer　for　the　man　who　is

imprisoned　in　the　valleys　of　belief。　　The　most　luminous　facts　are

obscured；　and　the　history　of　events　is　the　history　of　his　dreams。



The　psychologist　who　desires　to　understand　the　period　which　we

have　so　briefly　sketched　can　only　do　so　if；　being　attached　to　no

party；　he　stands　clear　of　the　passions　which　are　the　soul　of

parties。　　He　will　never　dream　of　recriminating　a　past　which　was

dictated　by　such　imperious　necessities。　　Certainly　Napoleon　has

cost　France　dear：　his　epic　was　terminated　by　two　invasions；　and

there　was　yet　to　be　a　third；　whose　consequences　are　felt

even　to…day；　when　the　prestige　which　he　exerted　even　from　the

tomb　set　upon　the　throne　the　inheritor　of　his　name。



All　these　events　are　narrowly　connected　in　their　origin。　　They

represent　the　price　of　that　capital　phenomenon　in　the　evolution

of　a　people；　a　change　of　ideal。　　Man　can　never　make　the　attempt

to　break　suddenly　with　his　ancestors　without　profoundly　affecting

the　course　of　his　own　history。







CHAPTER　III



POLITICAL　CONSEQUENCES　OF　THE　CONFLICT　BETWEEN　TRADITIONS　AND

REVOLUTIONARY　PRINCIPLES　DURING　THE　LAST　CENTURY



1。　　The　Psychological　Causes　of　the　continued　Revolutionary

Movements　to　which　France　has　been　subject。



In　examining；　in　a　subsequent　chapter；　the　evolution　of

revolutionary　ideas　during　the　last　century；　we　shall　see　that

during　more　than　fifty　years　they　very　slowly　spread　through　the

various　strata　of　society。



During　the　whole　of　this　period　the　great　majority　of　the　people

and　the　bourgeoisie　rejected　them；　and　their　diffusion　was

effected　only　by　a　very　limited　number　of　apostles。　　But　their

influence；　thanks　principally　to　the　faults　of　Governments；　was

sufficient　to　provoke　several　revolutions。　　We　shall　examine

these　briefly　when　we　have　examined　the　psychological　influences

which　gave　them　birth。



The　history　of　our　political　upheavals　during　the　last　century　is

enough　to　prove；　even　if　we　did　not　yet　realise　the　fact；　that

men　are　governed　by　their　mentalities　far　more　than　by　the

institutions　which　their　rulers　endeavour　to　force　upon　them。



The　successive　revolutions　which　France　has　suffered　have　been

the　consequences　of　struggles　between　two　portions　of　the

nation　whose　mentalities　are　different。　　One　is　religious　and

monarchical　and　is　dominated　by　long　ancestral　influences；　the

other　is　subjected　to　the　same　influences；　but　gives　them　a

revolutionary　form。



From　the　commencement　of　the　Revolution　the　struggle　between

contrary　mentalities　was　plainly　manifested。　　We　have　seen　that

in　spite　of　the　most　frightful　repression　insurrections　and

conspiracies　lasted　until　the　end　of　the　Directory。　　They　proved

that　the　traditions　of　the　past　had　left　profound　roots　in　the

popular　soul。　　At　a　certain　moment　sixty　departments　were　in

revolt　against　the　new　Government；　and　were　only　repressed　by

repeated　massacres　on　a　vast　scale。



To　establish　some　sort　of　compromise　between　the　ancien

regime　and　the　new　ideals　was　the　most　difficult　of　the

problems　which　Bonaparte　had　to　resolve。　　He　had　to　discover

institutions　which　would　suit　the　two　mentalities　into　which

France　was　divided。　　He　succeeded；　as　we　have　seen；　by

conciliatory　measures；　and　also　by　dressing　very　ancient　things

in　new　names。



His　reign　was　one　of　those　rare　periods　of　French　history　during

which　the　mental　unity　of　France　was　complete。



This　unity　could　not　outlive　him。　　On　the　morrow　of　his　fall　all

the　old　parties　reappeared；　and　have　survived　until　the　present

day。　　Some　attach　themselves　to　traditional　influences；　others

violently　reject　them。



If　this　long　conflict　had　been　between　believers　and　the

indifferent；　it　could　not　have　lasted；　for　indifference　is

always　tolerant；　but　the　struggle　was　really　between　two

different　beliefs。　　The　lay　Church　very　soon　assumed　a　religious

aspect；　and　its　pretended　rationalism　has　become；　especially　in

recent　years；　a　barely　attenuated　form　of　the　narrowest　clerical

spirit。　　Now；　we　have　shown　that　no　conciliation　is　possible

between　dissimilar　religious　beliefs。　　The　clericals　when　in

power　could　not　therefore　show　themselves　more　tolerant　towards

freethinkers　than　these　latter　are　to…day　toward　the　clericals。



These　divisions；　determined　by　differences　of　belief；　were

complicated　by　the　addition　of　the　political　conceptions　derived

from　those　beliefs。



Many　simple　souls　have　for　long　believed　that　the　real　history　of

France　began　with　the　year　I。　of　the　Republic。　　This　rudimentary

conception　is　at　last　dying　out。　　Even　the　most　rigid

revolutionaries　renounce　it；＇10＇　and　are　quite　willing　to

recognise　that　the　past　was　something　better　than　an　epoch　of

black　barbarism　dominated　by　low　superstitions。







＇10＇　We　may　judge　of　the　recent　evolution　of　ideas　upon　this

point　by　the　following　passage　from　a　speech　by　M。　Jaures；

delivered　in　the　Chamber　of　Deputies：　　‘‘The　greatness　of　to…day

is　built　of　the　efforts　of　past　centuries。　　France　is　not

contained　in　a　day　nor　in　an　epoch；　but　in　the　succession　of　all

days；　all　periods；　all　her　twilights　and　all　her　dawns。''









The　religious　origin　of　most　of　the　political　beliefs　held　in

France　inspires　their　adepts　with　an　inextinguishable　hatred

which　always　strikes　foreigners　with　amazement。



‘‘Nothing　is　more　obvious；　nothing　is　more　certain；''　writes　Mr。