the psychology of revolution-第3章

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greater　part　of　the　opinions　determined　by　the　reading　of　books

deserted　me　one　by　one；　although　I　had　considered　them

unshakable。



To　explain　this　period　we　must　consider　it　as　a　whole；　as　many

historians　have　done。　　It　is　composed　of　phenomena　simultaneous

but　independent　of　one　another。



Each　of　its　phases　reveals　events　engendered　by　psychological

laws　working　with　the　regularity　of　clockwork。　　The　actors　in

this　great　drama　seem　to　move　like　the　characters　of　a　previously

determined　drama。　　Each　says　what　he　must　say；　acts　as　he　is

bound　to　act。



To　be　sure；　the　actors　in　the　revolutionary　drama　differed　from

those　of　a　written　drama　in　that　they　had　not　studied　their

parts；　but　these　were　dictated　by　invisible　forces。



Precisely　because　they　were　subjected　to　the　inevitable

progression　of　logics　incomprehensible　to　them　we　see　them　as

greatly　astonished　by　the　events　of　which　they　were　the　heroes　as

are　we　ourselves。　　Never　did　they　suspect　the　invisible　powers

which　forced　them　to　act。　　They　were　the　masters　neither　of　their

fury　nor　their　weakness。　　They　spoke　in　the　name　of　reason；

pretending　to　be　guided　by　reason；　but　in　reality　it　was　by　no

means　reason　that　impelled　them。



‘‘The　decisions　for　which　we　are　so　greatly　reproached；''　wrote

Billaud…Varenne；　‘‘were　more　often　than　otherwise　not　intended　or

desired　by　us　two　days　or　even　one　day　beforehand：　the　crisis

alone　evoked　them。''



Not　that　we　must　consider　the　events　of　the　Revolution　as

dominated　by　an　imperious　fatality。　　The　readers　of　our　works

will　know　that　we　recognise　in　the　man　of　superior　qualities　the

role　of　averting　fatalities。　　But　he　can　dissociate　himself

only　from　a　few　of　such；　and　is　often　powerless　before　the

sequence　of　events　which　even　at　their　origin　could　scarcely　be

ruled。　　The　scientist　knows　how　to　destroy　the　microbe　before　it

has　time　to　act；　but　he　knows　himself　powerless　to　prevent　the

evolution　of　the　resulting　malady。





When　any　question　gives　rise　to　violently　contradictory　opinions

we　may　be　sure　that　it　belongs　to　the　province　of　beliefs　and　not

to　that　of　knowledge。



We　have　shown　in　a　preceding　work　that　belief；　of　unconscious

origin　and　independent　of　all　reason；　can　never　be　influenced　by

reason。



The　Revolution；　the　work　of　believers；　has　seldom　been　judged　by

any　but　believers。　　Execrated　by　some　and　praised　by　others；　it

has　remained　one　of　those　dogmas　which　are　accepted　or　rejected

as　a　whole；　without　the　intervention　of　rational　logic。



Although　in　its　beginnings　a　religious　or　political　revolution

may　very　well　be　supported　by　rational　elements；　it　is　developed

only　by　the　aid　of　mystic　and　affective　elements　which　are

absolutely　foreign　to　reason。



The　historians　who　have　judged　the　events　of　the　French

Revolution　in　the　name　of　rational　logic　could　not　comprehend

them；　since　this　form　of　logic　did　not　dictate　them。　　As　the

actors　of　these　events　themselves　understood　them　but　ill；　we

shall　not　be　far　from　the　truth　in　saying　that　our

Revolution　was　a　phenomenon　equally　misunderstood　by　those

who　caused　it　and　by　those　who　have　described　it。　　At　no　period

of　history　did　men　so　little　grasp　the　present；　so　greatly　ignore

the　past；　and　so　poorly　divine　the　future。





。　。　。　The　power　of　the　Revolution　did　not　reside　in　the

principleswhich　for　that　matter　were　anything　but　novelwhich

it　sought　to　propagate；　nor　in　the　institutions　which　it　sought

to　found。　　The　people　cares　very　little　for　institutions　and　even

less　for　doctrines。　　That　the　Revolution　was　potent　indeed；　that

it　made　France　accept　the　violence；　the　murders；　the　ruin　and　the

horror　of　a　frightful　civil　war；　that　finally　it　defended　itself

victoriously　against　a　Europe　in　arms；　was　due　to　the　fact　that

it　had　founded　not　a　new　system　of　government　but　a　new　religion。



Now　history　shows　us　how　irresistible　is　the　might　of　a　strong

belief。　　Invincible　Rome　herself　had　to　bow　before　the　armies　of

nomad　shepherds　illuminated　by　the　faith　of　Mahommed。　　For　the

same　reason　the　kings　of　Europe　could　not　resist　the

tatterdemalion　soldiers　of　the　Convention。　　Like　all　apostles；

they　were　ready　to　immolate　themselves　in　the　sole　end　of

propagating　their　beliefs；　which　according　to　their　dream　were　to

renew　the　world。



The　religion　thus　founded　had　the　force　of　other　religions；　if

not　their　duration。　　Yet　it　did　not　perish　without　leaving

indelible　traces；　and　its　influence　is　active　still。





We　shall　not　consider　the　Revolution　as　a　clean　sweep　in

history；　as　its　apostles　believed　it。　　We　know　that　to

demonstrate　their　intention　of　creating　a　world　distinct　from　the

old　they　initiated　a　new　era　and　professed　to　break　entirely　with

all　vestiges　of　the　past。



But　the　past　never　dies。　　It　is　even　more　truly　within　us　than

without　us。　　Against　their　will　the　reformers　of　the　Revolution

remained　saturated　with　the　past；　and　could　only　continue；　under

other　names；　the　traditions　of　the　monarchy；　even　exaggerating

the　autocracy　and　centralisation　of　the　old　system。　　Tocqueville

had　no　difficulty　in　proving　that　the　Revolution　did　little　but

overturn　that　which　was　about　to　fall。



If　in　reality　the　Revolution　destroyed　but　little　it　favoured　the

fruition　of　certain　ideas　which　continued　thenceforth　to　develop。



The　fraternity　and　liberty　which　it　proclaimed　never　greatly

seduced　the　peoples；　but　equality　became　their　gospel：　the　pivot

of　socialism　and　of　the　entire　evolution　of　modern　democratic

ideas。　　We　may　therefore　say　that　the　Revolution　did　not　end　with

the　advent　of　the　Empire；　nor　with　the　successive　restorations

which　followed　it。　　Secretly　or　in　the　light　of　day　it　has　slowly

unrolled　itself　and　still　affects　men's　minds。





The　study　of　the　French　Revolution　to　which　a　great　part　of　this

book　is　devoted　will　perhaps　deprive　the　reader　of　more　than　one

illusion；　by　proving　to　him　that　the　books　which　recount　the

history　of　the　Revolution　contain　in　reality　a　mass　of　legends

very　remote　from　reality。



These　legends　will　doubtless　retain　more　life　than　history

itself。　　Do　not　regret　this　too　greatly。　　It　may　interest　a　few

philosophers　to　know　the　truth；　but　the　peoples　will　always

prefer　dreams。　　Synthetising　their　ideal；　such　dreams　will　always

constitute　powerful　motives　of　action。　　One　would　lose　courage

were　it　not　sustained　by　false　ideas；　said　Fontenelle。　　Joan　of

Arc；　the　Giants　of　the　Convention；　the　Imperial　epicall　these

dazzling　images　of　the　past　will　always　remain　sources　of　hope　in

the　gloomy　hours　that　follow　defeat。　　They　form　part　of　that

patrimony　of　illusions　left　us　by　our　fathers；　whose　power　is

often　greater　than　that　of　reality。　　The　dream；　the　ideal；　the

legendin　a　word；　the　unrealit　is　that　which　shapes　history。





PART　I



THE　PSYCHOLOGICAL　ELEMENTS　OF　REVOLUTIONARY　MOVEMENTS







BOOK　I



GENERAL　CHARACTERISTICS　OF　REVOLUTIONS



CHAPTER　I



SCIENTIFIC　AND　POLITICAL　REVOLUTIONS



1。　　Classification　of　Revolutions。



We　generally　apply　the　term　revolution　to　sudden　political

changes；　but　the　expression　may　be　employed　to　denote　all　sudden

transformations；　or　transformations　apparently　sudden；　whether　of

beliefs；　ideas；　or　doctrines。



We　have　considered　elsewhere　the　part　played　by　the　rational；

affective；　and　mystic　factors　in　the　genesis　of　the　opinions　and

beliefs　which　determine　conduct。　　We　need　not　therefore　return　to

the　subject　here。



A　revolution　may　finally　become　a　belief；　but　it　often　commences

under　the　action　of　perfectly　rational　motives：　the　suppression

of　crying　abuses；　of　a　detested　despotic　government；　or　an

unpopular　sovereign；　&c。



Although　the　origin　of　a　revolution　may　be　perfectly　rational；　we

must　not　forget　that　the　reasons　invoked　in　preparing　for　it　do

not　influence　the　crowd　until　they　have　been　transformed

i