the psychology of revolution-第22章

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their　anonymity。　　We　know　that　during　the　Commune　of　1871　a　few

anonymous　orders　sufficed　to　effect　the　burning　of　the　finest

monuments　of　Paris：　the　Hotel　de　Ville；　the　Tuileries；　the

Cour　des　Comptes；　the　buildings　of　the　Legion　of　Honour；　&c。　　A

brief　order　from　the　anonymous　committees；　‘‘Burn　Finances；　burn

Tuileries；''　&c。；　was　immediately　executed。　　An　unlooked…for

chance　only　saved　the　Louvre　and　its　collections。　　We　know　too

what　religious　attention　is　in　our　days　accorded　to　the　most

absurd　injunctions　of　the　anonymous　leaders　of　the　trades　unions。



The　clubs　of　Paris　and　the　insurrectionary　Commune　were　not　less

scrupulously　obeyed　at　the　time　of　the　Revolution。　　An　order

emanating　from　these　was　sufficient　to　hurl　upon　the　Assembly　a

popular　army　which　dictated　its　wishes。



Summing　up　the　history　of　the　Convention　in　another　chapter；　we

shall　see　how　frequent　were　these　irruptions；　and　with　what

servility　the　Assembly；　which　according　to　the　legends　was　so

powerful　bowed　itself　before　the　most　imperative　injunctions　of　a

handful　of　rioters。　　Instructed　by　experience；　the　Directory

closed　the　clubs　and　put　an　end　to　the　invasion　of　the　populace

by　energetically　shooting　them　down。



The　Convention　had　early　grasped　the　superiority　of　homogeneous

groups　over　heterogeneous　assemblies　in　matters　of　government；

which　is　why　it　subdivided　itself　into　committees　composed　each

of　a　limited　number　of　individuals。　　These　committeesof

Public　Safety；　of　Finance；　&c。formed　small　sovereign　assemblies

in　the　midst　of　the　larger　Assembly。　　Their　power　was　held　in

check　only　by　that　of　the　clubs。



The　preceding　considerations　show　the　power　of　groups　over　the

wills　of　the　members　composing　them。　　If　the　group　is

homogeneous；　this　action　is　considerable；　if　it　is　heterogeneous；

it　is　less　considerable　but　may　still　become　important；　either

because　the　more　powerful　groups　of　an　assembly　will　dominate

those　whose　cohesion　is　weaker　or　because　certain　contagious

sentiments　will　often　extend　themselves　to　all　the　members　of　an

assembly。



A　memorable　example　of　this　influence　of　groups　occurred　at　the

time　of　the　Revolution；　when；　on　the　night　of　the　4th　of　August；

the　nobles　voted；　on　the　proposition　of　one　of　their　members；　the

abandonment　of　feudal　privileges。　　Yet　we　know　that　the

Revolution　resulted　in　part　from　the　refusal　of　the　clergy　and

the　nobles　to　renounce　their　privileges。　　Why　did　they　refuse　to

renounce　them　at　first？　　Simply　because　men　in　a　crowd　do　not　act

as　the　same　men　singly。　　Individually　no　member　of　the　nobility

would　ever　have　abandoned　his　rights。



Of　this　influence　of　assemblies　upon　their　members　Napoleon　at

St。　Helena　cited　some　curious　examples：　　‘‘Nothing　was　more

common　than　to　meet　with　men　at　this　period　quite　unlike　the

reputation　that　their　acts　and　words　would　seem　to　justify。　　For

instance；　one　might　have　supposed　Monge　to　be　a　terrible　fellow；

when　war　was　decided　upon　he　mounted　the　tribune　of　the　Jacobins

and　declared　that　he　would　give　his　two　daughters　to　the　two

first　soldiers　to　be　wounded　by　the　enemy。　　He　wanted　the

nobles　to　be　killed；　&c。　　Now；　Monge　was　the　most　gentle　and

feeble　of　men；　and　wouldn't　have　had　a　chicken　killed　if　he　had

had　to　do　it　with　his　own　hands；　or　even　to　have　it　done　in　his

presence。''





3。　　A　Suggested　Explanation　of　the　Progressive　Exaggeration　of

Sentiments　in　Assemblies。





If　collective　sentiments　were　susceptible　of　exact　quantitative

measurement；　we　might　translate　them　by　a　curve　which；　after　a

first　gradual　ascent；　runs　upward　with　extreme　rapidity　and　then

falls　almost　vertically。　　The　equation　of　this　curve　might　be

called　the　equation　of　the　variations　of　collective　sentiments

subjected　to　a　constant　excitation。



It　is　not　always　easy　to　explain　the　acceleration　of　certain

sentiments　under　the　influence　of　a　constant　exciting　cause。　

Perhaps；　however；　one　may　say　that　if　the　laws　of　psychology　are

comparable　to　those　of　mechanics；　a　cause　of　invariable

dimensions　acting　in　a　continuous　fashion　will　rapidly　increase

the　intensity　of　a　sentiment。　　We　know；　for　example；　that　a　force

which　is　constant　in　dimension　and　direction；　such　as　gravity

acting　upon　a　mass；　will　cause　an　accelerated　movement。　　The

speed　of　a　free　object　falling　in　space　under　the　influence　of

gravity　will　be　about　32　feet　during　the　first　second；　64　feet

during　the　next；　96　feet　during　the　next；　&c。　　It　would　be　easy；

were　the　moving　body　allowed　to　fall　from　a　sufficient　height；　to

give　it　a　velocity　sufficient　to　perforate　a　plate　of　steel。



But　although　this　explanation　is　applicable　to　the　acceleration

of　a　sentiment　subjected　to　a　constant　exciting　cause；　it

does　not　tell　us　why　the　effects　of　acceleration　finally　and

suddenly　cease。　　Such　a　fall　is　only　comprehensible　if　we　bring

in　physiological　factorsthat　is；　if　we　remember　that　pleasure；

like　pain；　cannot　exceed　certain　limits；　and　that　all　sensations；

when　too　violent；　result　in　the　paralysis　of　sensation。　　Our

organism　can　only　support　a　certain　maximum　of　joy；　pain；　or

effort；　and　it　cannot　support　that　maximum　for　long　together。　

The　hand　which　grasps　a　dynamometer　soon　exhausts　its　effort；　and

is　obliged　suddenly　to　let　go。



The　study　of　the　causes　of　the　rapid　disappearance　of　certain

groups　of　sentiments　in　assemblies　will　remind　us　of　the　fact

that　beside　the　party　which　is　predominant　by　means　of　its

strength　or　prestige　there　are　others　whose　sentiments；

restrained　by　this　force　or　prestige；　have　not　reached　their　full

development。　　Some　chance　circumstance　may　somewhat　weaken　the

prevailing　party；　when　immediately　the　suppressed　sentiments　of

the　adverse　parties　may　become　preponderant。　　The　Mountain

learned　this　lesson　after　Thermidor。



All　analogies　that　we　may　seek　to　establish　between　the　laws　of

material　phenomena　and　those　which　condition　the　evolution　of

affective　and　mystic　factors　are　evidently　extremely　rough。　　They

must　be　so　until　the　mechanism　of　the　cerebral　functions　is

better　understood　than　it　is　to…day。









PART　II



THE　FRENCH　REVOLUTION





BOOK　I



THE　ORIGINS　OF　THE　FRENCH　REVOLUTION



CHAPTER　I



THE　OPINIONS　OF　HISTORIANS　CONCERNING　THE　FRENCH　REVOLUTION



1。　　The　Historians　of　the　Revolution。



The　most　contradictory　opinions　have　been　expressed　respecting

the　French　Revolution；　and　although　only　a　century　separates　us

from　the　period　in　question　it　seems　impossible　as　yet　to　judge

it　calmly。　　For　de　Maistre　it　was　‘‘a　satanic　piece　of　work；''

and　‘‘never　was　the　action　of　the　spirit　of　darkness　so　evidently

manifested。''　　For　the　modern　Jacobins　it　has　regenerated　the

human　race。



Foreigners　who　live　in　France　still　regard　it　as　a　subject　to　be

avoided　in　conversation。



‘‘Everywhere；''　writes　Barrett　Wendell；　‘‘this　memory　and　these

traditions　are　still　endowed　with　such　vitality　that　few　persons

are　capable　of　considering　them　dispassionately。　　They　still

excite　both　enthusiasm　and　resentment；　they　are　still　regarded

with　a　loyal　and　ardent　spirit　of　partisanship。　　The　better　you

come　to　understand　France　the　more　clearly　you　see　that　even　to…

day　no　study　of　the　Revolution　strikes　any　Frenchman　as

having　been　impartial。''



This　observation　is　perfectly　correct。　　To　be　interpretable　with

equity；　the　events　of　the　past　must　no　longer　be　productive　of

results　and　must　not　touch　the　religious　or　political　beliefs

whose　inevitable　intolerance　I　have　denoted。



We　must　not　therefore　be　surprised　that　historians　express　very

different　ideas　respecting　the　Revolution。　　For　a　long　time　to

come　some　will　still　see　in　it　one　of　the　most　sinister　events　of

history；　while　to　others　it　will　remain　one　of　the　most　glorious。



All　writers　on　the　subject　have　believed　that　they　have　related

its　course　with　impartiality；　but　in