the psychology of revolution-第21章

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the　leaders；　for　they　commonly　work　in　the　shade。　　To　grasp　this

clearly　we　must　study　them　in　contemporary　events。　　We　shall　then

see　how　readily　the　leader　can　provoke　the　most　violent　popular

movements。　　We　are　not　thinking　here　of　the　strikes　of　the

postmen　or　railway　men；　in　which　the　discontent　of　the　employees

might　intervene；　but　of　events　in　which　the　crowd　was　not　in　the

least　interested。　　Such；　for　example；　was　the　popular　rising

provoked　by　a　few　Socialist　leaders　amidst　the　Parisian　populace

on　the　morrow　of　the　execution　of　Ferrer；　in　Spain。　　The　French

crowd　had　never　heard　of　Ferrer。　　In　Spain　his　execution　was

almost　unnoticed。　　In　Paris　the　incitements　of　a　few　leaders

sufficed　to　hurl　a　regular　popular　army　upon　the　Spanish　Embassy；

with　the　intention　of　burning　it。　　Part　of　the　garrison　had　to　be

employed　to　protect　it。　　Energetically　repulsed；　the　assailants

contented　themselves　with　sacking　a　few　shops　and　building　some

barricades。



At　the　same　time；　the　leaders　gave　another　proof　of　their

influence。　　Finally　understanding　that　the　burning　of　a　foreign

embassy　might　be　extremely　dangerous；　they　ordered　a　pacific

demonstration　for　the　following　day；　and　were　as　faithfully

obeyed　as　if　they　had　ordered　the　most　violent　riot。　　No

example　could　better　show　the　importance　of　leaders　and　the

submission　of　the　crowd



The　historians　who；　from　Michelet　to　M。　Aulard；　have　represented

the　revolutionary　crowd　as　having　acted　on　its　own　initiative；

without　leaders；　do　not　comprehend　its　psychology。







CHAPTER　V



THE　PSYCHOLOGY　OF　THE　REVOLUTIONARY　ASSEMBLIES



1。　　Psychological　Characteristics　of　the　great　Revolutionary

Assemblies。



A　great　political　assembly；　a　parliament　for　example；　is　a　crowd；

but　a　crowd　which　sometimes　fails　in　effectual　action　on　account

of　the　contrary　sentiments　of　the　hostile　groups　composing　it。



The　presence　of　these　groups；　actuated　by　different　interests；

must　make　us　consider　an　assembly　as　formed　of　superimposed　and

heterogeneous　crowds；　each　obeying　its　particular　leaders。　　The

law　of　the　mental　unity　of　crowds　is　manifested　only　in　each

group；　and　it　is　only　as　a　result　of　exceptional　circumstances

that　the　different　groups　act　with　a　single　intention。



Each　group　in　an　assembly　represents　a　single　being。　　The

individuals　contributing　to　the　formation　of　this　being　are　no

longer　themselves；　and　will　unhesitatingly　vote　against　their

convictions　and　their　wishes。　　On　the　eve　of　the　day　when　Louis

XVI。　was　to　be　condemned　Vergniaud　protested　with　indignation

against　the　suggestion　that　he　should　vote　for　his　death；　but　he

did　so　vote　on　the　following　day。



The　action　of　a　group　consists　chiefly　in　fortifying　hesitating

opinions。　　All　feeble　individual　convictions　become　confirmed

upon　becoming　collective。



Leaders　of　great　repute　or　unusual　violence　can　sometimes；　by

acting　on　all　the　groups　of　an　assembly；　make　them　a　single

crowd。　　The　majority　of　the　members　of　the　Convention　enacted

measures　entirely　contrary　to　their　opinions　under　the　influence

of　a　very　small　number　of　such　leaders。



Collectivities　have　always　given　way　before　active　sectaries。　

The　history　of　the　revolutionary　Assemblies　shows　how

pusillanimous　they　were；　despite　the　boldness　of　their　language

respecting　kings；　before　the　leaders　of　the　popular　riots。　　The

invasion　of　a　band　of　energumens　commanded　by　an　imperious　leader

was　enough　to　make　them　vote　then　and　there　the　most　absurd　and

contradictory　measures。



An　assembly；　having　the　characteristics　of　a　crowd；　will；　like　a

crowd；　be　extreme　in　its　sentiments。　　Excessive　in　its　violence；

it　will　be　excessive　in　its　cowardice。　　In　general　it　will　be

insolent　to　the　weak　and　servile　before　the　strong。



We　remember　the　fearful　humility　of　the　Parliament　when　the

youthful　Louis　XIV。　entered；　whip　in　hand；　to　pronounce　his　brief

speech。　　We　know　with　what　increasing　impertinence　the

Constituent　Assembly　treated　Louis　XVI。　as　it　felt　that　he　was

becoming　defenceless。　　Finally；　we　recall　the　terror　of　the

Convention　under　the　reign　of　Robespierre。



This　characteristic　of　assemblies　being　a　general　law；　the

convocation　of　an　assembly　by　a　sovereign　when　his　power　is

failing　must　be　regarded　as　a　gross　error　in　psychology。　　The

assembling　of　the　States　General　cost　the　life　of　Louis

XVI。　　It　all　but　lost　Henry　III。　his　throne；　when；　obliged　to

leave　Paris；　he　had　the　unhappy　idea　of　assembling　the　Estates　at

Blois。　　Conscious　of　the　weakness　of　the　king；　the　Estates　at

once　spoke　as　masters　of　the　situation；　modifying　taxes；

dismissing　officials；　and　claiming　that　their　decisions　should

have　the　force　of　law。



This　progressive　exaggeration　of　sentiments　was　plainly

demonstrated　in　all　the　assemblies　of　the　Revolution。　　The

Constituent　Assembly；　at　first　extremely　respectful　toward　the

royal　authority　and　its　prerogatives；　finally　proclaimed　itself　a

sovereign　Assembly；　and　treated　Louis　XVI　as　a　mere　official。　

The　Convention；　after　relatively　moderate　beginnings；　ended　with

a　preliminary　form　of　the　Terror；　when　judgments　were　still

surrounded　by　certain　legal　guarantees：　then；　quickly　increasing

its　powers；　it　enacted　a　law　depriving　all　accused　persons　of　the

right　of　defence；　permitting　their　condemnation　upon　the　mere

suspicion　of　being　suspect。　　Yielding　more　and　more　to　its

sanguinary　frenzy；　it　finally　decimated　itself。　　Girondists；

Hebertists；　Dantonists；　and　Robespierrists　successively　ended

their　careers　at　the　hands　of　the　executioner。



This　exaggeration　of　the　sentiments　of　assemblies　explains　why

they　were　always　so　little　able　to　control　their　own　destinies

and　why　they　so　often　arrived　at　conclusions　exactly　contrary　to

the　ends　proposed。　　Catholic　and　royalist；　the　Constituent

Assembly；　instead　of　the　constitutional　monarchy　it　wished　to

establish　and　the　religion　it　wished　to　defend；　rapidly　led

France　to　a　violent　republic　and　the　persecution　of　the　clergy。



Political　assemblies　are　composed；　as　we　have　seen；　of

heterogeneous　groups；　but　they　have　sometimes　been　formed　of

homogeneous　groups；　as；　for　instance；　certain　of　the　clubs；　which

played　so　enormous　a　part　during　the　Revolution；　and　whose

psychology　deserves　a　special　examination。





2。　　The　Psychology　of　the　Revolutionary　Clubs。





Small　assemblies　of　men　possessing　the　same　opinions；　the　same

beliefs；　and　the　same　interests；　which　eliminate　all　dissentient

voices；　differ　from　the　great　assemblies　by　the　unity　of　their

sentiments　and　therefore　their　wills。　　Such　were　the　communes；

the　religious　congregations；　the　corporations；　and　the　clubs

during　the　Revolution；　the　secret　societies　during　the　first　half

of　the　nineteenth　century；　and　the　Freemasons　and　syndicalists　of

to…day。



The　points　of　difference　between　a　heterogeneous　assembly　and　a

homogeneous　club　must　be　thoroughly　grasped　if　we　are　to

comprehend　the　progress　of　the　French　Revolution。　　Until　the

Directory　and　especially　during　the　Convention　the　Revolution　was

directed　by　the　clubs。



Despite　the　unity　of　will　due　to　the　absence　of　dissident　parties

the　clubs　obey　the　laws　of　the　psychology　of　crowds。　　They　are

consequently　subjugated　by　leaders。　　This　we　see　especially　in

the　Jacobin　Club；　which　was　dominated　by　Robespierre。



The　function　of　the　leader　of　a　club；　a　homogeneous　crowd；　is　far

more　difficult　than　that　of　a　leader　of　a　heterogeneous　crowd。　

The　latter　may　easily　be　led　by　harping　on　a　small　number　of

strings；　but　in　a　homogeneous　group　like　a　club；　whose

sentiments　and　interests　are　identical；　the　leader　must

know　how　to　humour　them　and　is　often　himself　led。



Part　of　the　strength　of　homogeneous　agglomerations　resides　in

their　anonymity。　　We　know　that　during　the　Commune　of　1871　a　few

anonymous　orders　sufficed　to　effect　the　burning　of　the　finest

monuments　of