theodore roosevelt-第49章
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ly be involved； we should either take sides and so have to furnish a contingent； or we should restrict our operations to self…defense。 In either case we must be prepared。
But Roosevelt recognized also that on the completion of the Panama Canal we might be exposed to much international friction； and unless we were ready to defend the Canal and its approaches； a Foreign Power might easily do it great damage or wrest it from us； at least for a time。 Here； too； was another motive for facing the possibility of war。 We were growing up in almost childish trust in a world filled with warlike nations； which regarded war not only as the obvious way in which to settle disputes； but as the easiest way to seize the territory and the wealth of rich neighbors who could not defend themselves。
This being the condition of life as our country had to lead it； we were criminally remiss in not taking precautions。 But Roosevelt went farther than this； he believed that； war or no war； a nation must be able to defend itself； so must every individual be。 Every youth should have sufficient military training to fit him to take his place at a moment's notice in the national armament。 This did not mean the maintenance of a large standing army； or the adoption of a soul and character…killing system of militarism like the German。 It meant giving training to every youth who was physically sound which would develop and strengthen his body； teach him obedience； and impress upon him his patriotic duty to his country。
I was among those who； twenty years ago； feared that Roosevelt's projects were inspired by innate pugnacity which he could not outgrow。 Now； in this year of his death； I recognize that he was right； and I believe that there is no one； on whom the lesson of the Atrocious War has not been lost； who does not believe in his gospel of military training； both for its value in promoting physical fitness and health and in providing the country with competent defenders。 Roosevelt detested as much as anyone the horrors of war； but； as he had too much reason to remind the American people shortly before his death； there are things worse than war。 And when in 1919 President Charles W。 Eliot becomes the chief advocate of universal military training； we need not fear that it is synonymous with militarism。
On one subjecta protective tariffI think that Roosevelt was less satisfactory than on any other。 At Harvard； in our college days； John Stuart Mill's ideas on economics prevailed； and they were ably expounded by Charles F。 Dunbar； who then stood first among American economists。 Being a consistent Individualist； and believing that liberty is a principle which applies to commerce； not less than to intellectual and moral freedom； Mill； of course； insisted on Free Trade。 But after Roosevelt joined the Republican Partyin the straw vote for President； in 1880； he had voted like a large majority of undergraduates for Bayard； a Democrathe adopted Protection as the right principle in theory and in practice。 The teachings of Alexander Hamilton； the wonderful spokesman of Federalism； the champion of a strong Government which should be beneficent because it was unselfish and enlightened； captivated and filled him。 In 1886； in his Life of Benton； he wrote： 〃Free traders are apt to look at the tariff from a sentimental standpoint； but it is in reality a purely business matter and should be decided solely on grounds of expediency。 Political economists have pretty generally agreed that protection is vicious in theory and harmful in practice； but if the majority of the people in interest wish it； and it affects only themselves； there is no earthly reason why they should not be allowed to try the experiment to their heart's content。〃 *
* Roosevelt： Thomas H。 Benton； 67。 American Statesmen Series。
Perhaps we ought to infer from this extract that Roosevelt； as an historical critic； strove to preserve an open mind； as an ardent Republican； however； he never wavered in his support of the tariff。 Even his sense of humor permitted him to swallow with out a smile the demagogue's cant about 〃infant industries；〃 or the raising of the tariff after election by the Republicans who had promised to reduce it。 To those of us who for many years regarded the tariff as the dividing line between the parties； his stand was most disappointing。 And when the head of one of the chief Trusts in America cynically blurted out； 〃The Tariff is the mother of Trusts；〃 we hoped that Roosevelt； who had then begun his stupendous battle with the Trusts； would deal them a staggering blow by shattering the tariff。 But； greatly to our chagrin； he did nothing。
His enemies tried to explain his callousness to this reform by hinting that he had some personal interest at stake； or that he was under obligations to tariff magnates。 Nothing could be more absurd than these innuendoes； from the first of his career to the last； no man ever brought proof that he had directly or indirectly secured Roosevelt's backing by question able means。 And there were times enough when passions ran so high that any one who could produce an iota of such testimony would have done so。 The simple fact is； that in looking over the field of important questions which Roosevelt believed must be met by new legislation； he looked on the tariff as unimportant in comparison with railroads； and conservation； and the measures for public health。 I think； also； that he never studied the question thoroughly； he threw over Mill's Individualism early in his public career and with it went Mill's political economy。 As late as December； 1912； after the affronting Payne Aldrich Tariff Act had been passed under his Republican successor； I reminded Roosevelt that I had never voted for him because I did not approve of his tariff policy。 To which he replied； almost in the words of the Benton extract in 1886； 〃My dear boy； the tariff is only a question of expediency。〃
In this field also I fear that we must score a miss against him。
Cavour used to say that he did not need to resort to craft； which was supposed to be a statesman's favorite instrument； he simply told the truth and everybody was deceived。 Roosevelt might have said the same thing。 His critics were always on the look out for some ulterior motive； some trick； or cunning thrust； in what he did； consequently they misjudged him； for he usually did the most direct thing in the most direct way。
The Brownsville Affair proved this。 On the night of August 13； 1906； several colored soldiers stationed at Fort Brown； Texas； stole from their quarters into the near…by town of Brownsville and shot up the inhabitants； against whom they had a grudge。 As soon as the news of the outbreak reached the fort； the rest of the colored garrison was called out to quell it； and the guilty soldiers； under cover of darkness； joined their companions and were undiscovered。 Next day the commander began an investigation； but as none of the culprits confessed； the President discharged nearly all of the three companies。 There upon his critics insinuated that Roosevelt had indulged his race hatred of the blacks； a few years before； many of these same critics had accused him of wishing to insult the Southern whites by inviting Booker Washington to lunch。 The reason for his action with the Brownsville criminals was so clear that it did not need to be stated。 He intended that every soldier or sailor who wore the uniform of the United States； be he white； yellow； or black； should not be allowed to sully that uniform and go unpunished。 He felt the stain on the service keenly； in spite of denunciation he trusted that the common sense of the Nation would eventually uphold him； as it did。
A few months later he came to Cambridge to make his famous 〃Mollycoddle Speech；〃 and in greeting him； three or four of us asked him jokingly； 〃How about Brownsville？〃 〃Brownsville？〃 he replied； laughing； 〃Brownsville will soon be forgotten； but 'Dear Maria' will stick to me all my life。〃 This referred to another annoyance which had recently bothered him。 He had always been used to talk among friends about public matters and persons with amazing unreserve。 He took it for granted that those to whom he spoke would regard his frank remarks as confi
