criminal psychology-第61章
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pretended one？ Or suppose we consider the number of men who have drowned themselves within the same time： 280； 285； 292； 276； 257； 269； 258； 276； 278； 287；Wagner says rightly of such figures ‘‘that they contain the arithmetical relation of the mechanism belonging to a moral order which ought to call out even greater astonishment than the mechanism of stellar systems。''
＇2＇ J。 Gurnhill： The Morals of Suicide。 London 1900。
Still more remarkable are the figures when they are so brought together that they may be seen as a curve。 It is in this way that Drobisch brings together a table which distributes crime according to age。 Out of a thousand crimes committed by persons between the ages of： AGAINST AGAINST PROPERTY PERSONS Less than 16 years 2 0。53
16…21 105 28
21…25 114 50
25…30 101 48
30 35 93 41
35…40 78 31
40…45 63 25
45…50 48 19
50…55 34 15
55…60 24 12
60 65 19 11
65…70 14 8
70…80 8 5 More than 80 2 2 …
Through both columns a definite curve may be drawn which grows steadily and drops steadily。 Greater mathematical certainty is almost unthinkable。 Of similar great importance is the parallelization of the most important conditions。 When； e。 g。； suicides in France； from 1826 to 1870 are taken in series of five years we find the figures 1739； 2263； 2574； 2951； 8446； 3639； 4002； 4661； 5147； if now during that period the population has increased from 30 to only 36 millions other determining factors have to be sought。＇1＇
＇1＇ Ncke in Archiv VI； 325； XIV； 366。
Again； most authorities as quoted by Gutberlet；＇2＇ indicate that most suicides are committed in June； fewest in December； most at night； especially at dawn； fewest at noon； especially between twelve and two o'clock。 The greatest frequency is among the half…educated； the age between sixty and seventy； and the nationality Saxon （Oettingen）。
＇2＇ K。 Gutberlet： Die Willensfreiheit u。 ihre Gegner。 Fulda 1893。
The combination of such observations leads to the indubitable conclusion that the results are sufficiently constant to permit making at least an assumption with regard to the cases in hand。 At present； statistics say little of benefit with regard to the individual； J。 S。 Mill is right in holding that the death…rate will help insurance companies but will tell any individual little concerning the duration of his life。 According to Adolf Wagner； the principal statistical rule is： The law has validity when dealing with great numbers； the constant regularity is perceivable only when cases are very numerous； single cases show many a variation and exception。 Quetelet has shown the truth of this in his example of the circle。 ‘‘If you draw a circle on the blackboard with thick chalk； and study its outline closely in small sections； you will find the coarsest irregularities； but if you step far back and study the circle as a whole； its regular； perfect form becomes quite distinct。'' But the circle must be drawn carefully and correctly； and one must not give way to sentimentality and tears when running over a fly's legs in drawing。 Emil du Bois…Reymond＇1＇ says against this： ‘‘When the postmaster announces that out of 100；000 letters a year； exactly so and so many come unaddressed； we think nothing of the matterbut when Quetelet counts so and so many criminals to every 100；000 people our moral sense is aroused since it is painful to think that _*we_ are not criminals simply because somebody else has drawn the black spot。'' But really there is as little regrettable in this fact as in the observation that every year so and so many men break their legs； and so and so many diein those cases also； a large number of people have the good fortune not to have broken their legs nor to have died。 We have here the irrefutable logic of facts which reveals nothing vexatious。
＇1＇ Die sieben Weltrtsel。 Leipzig 1882。
On the other hand； there is no doubt that our criminal statistics； to be useful； must be handled in a rather different fashion。 We saw； in studying the statistics of suicide； that inferences with regard to individual cases could be drawn only when the material had been studied carefully and examined on all sides。 But our criminological statistic is rarely examined with such thoroughness； the tenor of such examination is far too bureaucratic and determined by the statutes and the process of law。 The criminalist gives the statistician the figures but the latter can derive no significant principles from them。 Consider for once any official report on the annual results in the criminal courts in any country。 Under and over the thousands and thousands of figures and rows of figures there is a great mass of very difficult work which has been profitable only in a very small degree。 I have before me the four reports of a single year which deal with the activities of the Austrian courts and criminal institutions； and which are excellent in their completeness； correctness； and thorough revision。 Open the most important；the results of the administration of criminal law in the various departments of the country；and you find everything recorded：how many were punished here and how many there； what their crimes were； the percentage of condemned according to age； social standing； religion； occupation； wealth； etc。； then again you see endless tables of arrests； sentences； etc。； etc。 Now the value of all this is to indicate merely whether a certain regularity is discoverable in the procedure of the officials。 Material psychologically valuable is rare。 There is some energetic approximation to it in the consideration of culture； wealth； and previous sentences； but even these are dealt with most generally； while the basis and motive of the death…sentence is barely indicated。 We can perceive little consideration of motives with regard to education； earlier life； etc。； in their relation to sentencing。 Only when statistics will be made to deal actually and in every direction with qualities and not merely with quantities will they begin to have a really scientific value。
Topic II。 KNOWLEDGE。 Section 34。
Criminal law； like all other disciplines； must ask under what conditions and when we are entitled to say ‘‘we know。'' The answer is far from being perennially identical； though it might have been expected that the conviction of knowledge would be ever united with identical conditions。 The strange and significant difference is determined by the question whether the verdict； ‘‘we know；'' will or will not have practical consequences。 When we discuss some question like the place of a certain battle； the temperature of the moon； or the appearance of a certain animal in the Pliocene； we first assume that there _*is_ a true answer； reasons for and against will appear； the former increase in number； and suddenly we discover in some book the assurance that； ‘‘We know the fact。'' That assurance passes into so and so many other books； and if it is untrue； no essential harm can be done。
But when science is trying to determine the quality of some substance； the therapeutic efficiency of some poison； the possibilities of some medium of communication； the applicability of some great national economic principle like free trade； then it takes much more time to announce； ‘‘We know that this is so and not otherwise。'' In this case one sees clearly that tremendous consequences follow on the practical interpretation of ‘‘we know；'' and therefore there is in these cases quite a different taxation of knowledge from that in cases where the practical consequences are comparatively negligible。
Our work is obviously one of concrete practical consequences。 It contains； moreover； conditions that make imperfect knowledge equivalent to complete ignorance； for in delivering sentence every ‘‘no'' may each time mean； ‘‘We know that he has not done it'' or again； ‘‘We know that it is not altogether certain that he has d
