the boss and the machine-第8章

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on　Military　Affairs　in　the　House　rise　in　his　place　and　demand　the
expulsion　of　four　of　his　associates　for　making　sale　of　their
official　privilege　of　selecting　the　youths　to　be　educated　at　our
great　military　schools。　When　the　greatest　railroad　of　the　world；
binding　together　the　continent　and　uniting　the　two　great　seas
which　wash　our　shores；　was　finished；　I　have　seen　our　national
triumph　and　exaltation　turned　to　bitterness　and　shame　by　the
unanimous　reports　of　three　committees　of　Congresstwo　in　the
House　and　one　herethat　every　step　of　that　mighty　enterprise　had
been　taken　in　fraud。　I　have　heard　in　highest　places　the　shameless
doctrine　avowed　by　men　grown　old　in　public　office　that　the　true
way　by　which　power　should　be　gained　in　the　Republic　is　to　bribe
the　people　with　the　offices　created　for　their　service；　and　the
true　end　for　which　it　should　be　used　when　gained　is　the　promotion
of　selfish　ambition　and　the　gratification　of　personal　revenge。　I
have　heard　that　suspicions　haunt　the　footsteps　of　the　trusted
companions　of　the　President。〃

These　startling　facts　did　not　shatter　the　prestige　of　the
Republicans；　the　〃Saviors　of　the　Union；〃　nor　humble　their
leaders。　One　of　them；　Senator　Foraker；　says*：　〃The　campaign
（1876）　on　the　part　of　the　Democrats　gave　emphasis　to　the　reform
idea　and　exploited　Tilden　as　the　great　reform　governor　of　New
York　and　the　best　fitted　man　in　the　country　to　bring　about
reforms　in　the　Government　of　the　United　States。　No　reforms　were
needed：　but　a　fact　like　that　never　interfered　with　a　reform
campaign。〃　The　orthodoxy　of　the　politician　remained　unshaken。
Foraker's　reasons　were　the　creed　of　thousands：　〃The　Republican
party　had　prosecuted　the　war　successfully；　had　reconstructed　the
States；　had　rehabilitated　our　finances；　and　brought　on　specie
redemption。〃　The　memoirs　of　politicians　and　statesmen　of　this
period；　such　as　Cullom；　Foraker；　Platt；　even　Hoar；　are　imbued
with　an　inflexible　faith　in　the　party　and　colored　by　the
conviction　that　it　is　a　function　of　Government　to　aid　business。
Platt；　for　instance；　alluding　to　Blaine's　attitude　as　Speaker；　in
the　seventies；　said：　〃What　I　liked　about　him　was　his　frank　and
persistent　contention　that　the　citizen　who　best　loved　his　party
and　was　loyal　to　it；　was　loyal　to　and　best　loved　his　country。〃
And　many　years　afterwards；　when　a　new　type　of　leader　appeared
representing　a　new　era　of　conviction；　Platt　was　deeply　concerned。
His　famous　letter　to　Roosevelt；　when　the　Rough　Rider　was　being
mentioned　for　Governor　of　New　York　（1899）；　shows　the　reluctance
of　the　old　man　to　see　the　signs　of　the　times：　〃The　thing　that
really　did　bother　me　was　this：　I　had　heard　from　a　great　many
sources　that　you　were　a　little　loose　on　the　relations　of　capital
and　labor；　on　trusts　and　combinations；　and　indeed　on　the　numerous
questions　which　have　recently　arisen　in　politics　affecting　the
security　of　earnings　and　the　right　of　a　man　to　run　his　own
business　in　his　own　way；　with　due　respect　of　course　to　the　Ten
Commandments　and　the　Penal　Code。〃

*　〃Notes　from　a　Busy　Life〃；　vol。　I。；　98。


The　leaders　of　both　the　great　parties　firmly　and　honestly
believed　that　it　was　the　duty　of　the　Government　to　aid　private
enterprise；　and　that　by　stimulating　business　everybody　is　helped。
This　article　of　faith；　with　the　doctrine　of　the　sanctity　of　the
party；　was　a　natural　product　of　the　conditions　outlined　in　the
beginning　of　this　chapterthe　war　and　the　remarkable　economic
expansion　following　the　war。　It　was　the　cause　of　the　alliance
between　business　and　politics。　It　made　the　machine　and　the　boss
the　sinister　and　ever　present　shadows　of　legitimate　organization
and　leadership。



CHAPTER　IV。　THE　POLITICIAN　AND　THE　CITY

The　gigantic　national　machine　that　was　erected　during　Grant's
administration　would　have　been　ineffectual　without　local　sources
of　power。　These　sources　of　power　were　found　in　the　cities；　now
thriving　on　the　new…born　commerce　and　industry；　increasing
marvelously　in　numbers　and　in　size；　and　offering　to　the　political
manipulator　opportunities　that　have　rarely　been　paralleled。*

*　Between　1860　and　1890　the　number　of　cities　of　8000　or　more
inhabitants　increased　from　141　to　448；　standing　at　226　in　1870。
In　1865　less　than　20％　of　our　people　lived　in　the　cities；　in　1890；
over　30％；　in　1900；　40％；　in　1910；　46。3％。　By　1890　there　were　six
cities　with　more　than　half　a　million　inhabitants；　fifteen　with
more　than　200；000；　and　twenty…eight　with　more　than　100；000。　In
1910　there　were　twenty…eight　cities　with　a　population　over
200；000；　fifty　cities　over　100；000；　and　ninety…eight　over　50；000。
It　was　no　uncommon　occurrence　for　a　city　to　double　its　population
in　a　decade。　In　ten　years　Birmingham　gained　245％；　Los　Angeles；
211％；　Seattle；　194％；　Spokane；　183％；　Dallas；　116％；　Schenectady；
129％。


The　governmental　framework　of　the　American　city　is　based　on　the
English　system　as　exemplified　in　the　towns　of　Colonial　America。
Their　charters　were　received　from　the　Crown　and　their　business
was　conducted　by　a　mayor　and　a　council　composed　of　aldermen　and
councilmen。　The　mayor　was　usually　appointed；　the　council　elected
by　a　property…holding　electorate。　In　New　England　the　glorified
town　meeting　was　an　important　agency　of　local　government。

After　the　Revolution；　mayors　as　well　as　councilmen　were　elected；
and　the　charters　of　the　towns　were　granted　by　the　legislature；
not　by　the　executive；　of　the　State。　In　colonial　days　charters　had
been　granted　by　the　King。　They　had　fixed　for　the　city　certain
immunities　and　well…defined　spheres　of　autonomy。　But　when　the
legislatures　were　given　the　power　to　grant　charters；　they　reduced
the　charter　to　the　level　of　a　statutory　enactment；　which　could　be
amended　or　repealed　by　any　successive　legislature；　thereby
opening　up　a　convenient　field　for　political　maneuvering。　The
courts　have；　moreover；　construed　these　charters　strictly；　holding
the　cities　closely　bound　to　those　powers　which　the　legislatures
conferred　upon　them。

The　task　of　governing　the　early　American　town　was　simple　enough。
In　1790　New　York；　Philadelphia；　Boston；　Baltimore；　and　Charleston
were　the　only　towns　in　the　United　States　of　over　8000
inhabitants；　all　together　they　numbered　scarcely　130；000。　Their
populations　were　homogeneous；　their　wants　were　few；　and　they　were
still　in　that　happy　childhood　when　every　voter　knew　nearly　every
other　voter　and　when　everybody　knew　his　neighbor's　business　as
well　as　his　own；　and　perhaps　better。

Gradually　the　towns　awoke　to　their　newer　needs　and　demanded
public　servicelighting；　street　cleaning；　fire　protection；
public　education。　All　these　matters；　however；　could　be　easily
looked　after　by　the　mayor　and　the　council　committees。　But　when
these　towns　began　to　spread　rapidly　into　cities；　they　quickly
outgrew　their　colonial　garments。　Yet　the　legislatures　were　loath
to　cast　the　old　garments　aside。　One　may　say　that　from　1840　to
1901；　when　the　Galveston　plan　of　commission　government　was
inaugurated；　American　municipal　government　was　nothing　but　a
series　of　contests　between　a　small　body　of　alert　citizens
attempting　to　fix　responsibility　on　public　officers　and　a　few
adroit　politicians　attempting　to　elude　responsibility；　both　sides
appealing　to　an　electorate　which　was　habitually　somnolent　but
subject　to　intermittent　awakenings　through　spasms　of
righteousness。

During　this　epoch　no　important　city　remained　immune　from　ruthless
legislative　interference。　Year　after　year　the　legislature　shifted
officers　and　responsibilities　at　the　behest　of　the　boss。　〃Ripper
bills〃　were　passed；　tearing　up　the　entire　administrative　systems
of　important　municipalities。　The　city　was　made　the　plaything　of
the　boss　and　the　machine。

Throughout　the　constant　shifts　that　our　city　governments　have
undergone　one　may；　however；　discern　three　general　plans　of
government。

The　first　was　the　centering　of　power　in　the　city　council；　whether
composed　of　two　chambersa　board　of　aldermen　and　a　common
councilas　in　New　York；　Philadelphia；　and　Chicago；　or　of　one
council；　as　in　many　lesser　cities。　It　soon　became　apparent　that　a
large　body；　whose　chief　function　is　legislation；　is　utterly　unfit
to　look　after　administrative　details。　Such　a　body；　in　order