the boss and the machine-第5章

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of　the　Clintons。　De　Witt　was　sent　to　the　United　States　Senate　in
1802；　and　at　the　age　of　thirty…three　he　found　himself　on　the
highroad　to　political　eminence。　But　he　resigned　almost　at　once　to
become　Mayor　of　New　York　City；　a　position　he　occupied　for　about
ten　years；　years　filled　with　the　most　venomous　fights　between
Burrites　and　Bucktails。　Clinton　organized　a　compact　machine　in
the　city。　A　biased　contemporary　description　of　this　machine　has
come　down　to　us。　〃You　＇Clinton＇　are　encircled　by　a　mercenary
band；　who；　while　they　offer　adulation　to　your　system　of　error；
are　ready　at　the　first　favorable　moment　to　forsake　and　desert
you。　A　portion　of　them　are　needy　young　men；　who　without　maturely
investigating　the　consequence；　have　sacrificed　principle　to
self…aggrandizement。　Others　are　mere　parasites；　that　well　know
the　tenure　on　which　they　hold　their　offices；　and　will　ever　pay
implicit　obedience　to　those　who　administer　to　their　wants。　Many
of　your　followers　are　among　the　most　profligate　of　the　community。
They　are　the　bane　of　social　and　domestic　happiness；　senile　and
dependent　panderers。〃

In　1812　Clinton　became　a　candidate　for　President　and　polled　89
electoral　votes　against　Madison's　128。　Subsequently　he　became
Governor　of　New　York　on　the　Erie　Canal　issue；　but　his　political
cunning　seems　to　have　forsaken　him；　and　his　perennial　quarrels
with　every　other　faction　in　his　State　made　him　the　object　of　a
constant　fire　of　vituperation。　He　had；　however；　taught　all　his
enemies　''the　value　of　spoils；　and　he　adhered　to　the　end　to　the
political　action　he　early　advised　a　friend　to　adopt：　〃In　a
political　warfare；　the　defensive　side　will　eventually　lose。　The
meekness　of　Quakerism　will　do　in　religion　but　not　in　politics。　I
repeat　it；　everything　will　answer　to　energy　and　decision。〃

Martin　Van　Buren　was　an　early　disciple　of　Clinton。　Though　he
broke　with　his　political　chief　in　1813；　he　had　remained　long
enough　in　the　Clinton　school　to　learn　every　trick；　and　he
possessed　such　native　talent　for　intrigue；　so　smooth　a　manner；
and　such　a　wonderful　memory　for　names；　that　he　soon　found　himself
at　the　head　of　a　much　more　perfect　and　far…reaching　machine　than
Clinton　had　ever　dreamed　of。　The　Empire　State　has　never　produced
the　equal　of　Van　Buren　as　a　manipulator　of　legislatures。　No
modern　politician　would　wish　to　face　publicity　if　he　resorted　to
the　petty　tricks　that　Van　Buren　used　in　legislative　politics。　And
when；　in　1891；　he　was　elected　to　the　Senate　of　the　United　States；
he　became　one　of　the　organizers　of　the　first　national　machine。

The　state　machine　of　Van　Buren　was　long　known　as　the　〃Albany
Regency。〃　It　included　several　very　able　politicians：　William　L。
Marcy；　who　became　United　States　Senator　in　1831；　Silas　Wright；
elected　Senator　in　1833；　John　A。　Dix；　who　became　Senator　in　1845；
Benjamin　F。　Butler；　who　was　United　States　Attorney…General　under
President　Van　Buren；　besides　a　score　or　more　of　prominent　state
officials。　It　had　an　influential　organ　in　the　Albany　Argus；
lieutenants　in　every　county；　and　captains　in　every　town。　Its
confidential　agents　kept　the　leaders　constantly　informed　of　the
political　situation　in　every　locality；　and　its　discipline　made
the　wish　of　Van　Buren　and　his　colleagues　a　command。　Federal　and
local　patronage　and　a　sagacious　distribution　of　state　contracts
sustained　this　combination。　When　the　practice　of　nominating　by
conventions　began；　the　Regency　at　once　discerned　the　strategic
value　of　controlling　delegates；　and；　until　the　break　in　the
Democratic　party　in　1848；　it　literally　reigned　in　the　State。

With　the　disintegration　of　the　Federalist　party　came　the　loss　of
concentrated　power　by　the　colonial　families　of　New　England　and
New　York。　The　old　aristocracy　of　the　South　was　more　fortunate　in
the　maintenance　of　its　power。　Jefferson's　party　was　not　only　well
disciplined；　it　gave　its　confidence　to　a　people　still　accustomed
to　class　rule　and　in　turn　was　supported　by　them。　In　a　strict
sense　the　Virginia　Dynasty　was　not　a　machine　like　Van　Buren's
Albany　Regency。　It　was　the　effect　of　the　concentrated　influence
of　men　of　great　ability　rather　than　a　definite　organization。　The
congressional　caucus　was　the　instrument　through　which　their
influence　was　made　practical。　In　1816；　however；　a　considerable
movement　was　started　to　end　the　Virginia　monopoly。　It　spread　to
the　Jeffersonians　of　the　North。　William　H。　Crawford；　of　Georgia；
and　Daniel　Tompkins；　of　New　York；　came　forward　as　competitors
with　Monroe　for　the　caucus　nomination。　The　knowledge　of　this
intrigue　fostered　the　rising　revolt　against　the　caucus。
Twenty…two　Republicans；　many　of　whom　were　known　to　be　opposed　to
the　caucus　system；　absented　themselves。　Monroe　was　nominated　by
the　narrow　margin　of　eleven　votes　over　Crawford。　By　the　time
Monroe　had　served　his　second　term　the　discrediting　of　the　caucus
was　made　complete　by　the　nomination　of　Crawford　by　a　thinly
attended　gathering　of　his　adherents；　who　presumed　to　act　for　the
party。　The　Virginia　Dynasty　had　no　further　favorites　to　foster；
and　a　new　political　force　swept　into　power　behind　the　dominating
personality　of　Andrew　Jackson。

The　new　Democracy；　however；　did　not　remove　the　aristocratic　power
of　the　slaveholder；　and　from　Jackson's　day　to　Buchanan's　this
became　an　increasing　force　in　the　party　councils。　The　slavery
question　illustrates　how　a　compact　group　of　capable　and
determined　men；　dominated　by　an　economic　motive；　can　exercise　for
years　in　the　political　arena　a　preponderating　influence；　even
though　they　represent　an　actual　minority　of　the　nation。　This
untoward　condition　was　made　possible　by　the　political　sagacity
and　persistence　of　the　party　managers　and　by　the　unwillingness　of
a　large　portion　of　the　people　to　bring　the　real　issue　to　a　head。

Before　the　Civil　War；　then；　party　organization　had　become　a　fixed
and　necessary　incident　in　American　politics。　The　war　changed　the
face　of　our　national　affairs。　The　changes　wrought　multiplied　the
opportunities　of　the　professional　politician；　and　in　these
opportunities；　as　well　as　in　the　transfused　energies　and　ideals
of　the　people；　we　must　seek　the　causes　for　those　perversions　of
party　and　party　machinery　which　have　characterized　our　modern
epoch。



CHAPTER　III。　THE　TIDE　OF　MATERIALISM

The　Civil　War；　which　shocked　the　country　into　a　new　national
consciousness　and　rearranged　the　elements　of　its　economic　life；
also　brought　about　a　new　era　in　political　activity　and
management。　The　United　States　after　Appomattox　was　a　very
different　country　from　the　United　States　before　Sumter　was　fired
upon。　The　war　was　a　continental　upheaval；　like　the　Appalachian
uplift　in　our　geological　history；　producing　sharp　and　profound
readjustments。

Despite　the　fact　that　in　1864　Lincoln　had　been　elected　on　a　Union
ticket　supported　by　War　Democrats；　the　Republicans　claimed　the
triumphs　of　the　war　as　their　own。　They　emerged　from　the　struggle
with　the　enormous　prestige　of　a　party　triumphant　and　with
〃Saviors　of　the　Union〃　inscribed　on　their　banners。

The　death　of　their　wise　and　great　leader　opened　the　door　to　a
violent　partizan　orgy。　President　Andrew　Johnson　could　not　check
the　fury　of　the　radical　reconstructionists；　and　a　new　political
era　began　in　a　riot　of　dogmatic　and　insolent　dictatorship；　which
was　intensified　by　the　mob　of　carpetbaggers；　scalawags；　and
freedmen　in　the　South；　and　not　abated　by　the　lawless　promptings
of　the　Ku…Klux　to　regain　patrician　leadership　in　the　home　of
secession　nor　by　the　baneful　resentment　of　the　North。　The　soldier
was　made　a　political　asset。　For　a　generation　the　〃bloody　shirt〃
was　waved　before　the　eyes　of　the　Northern　voter；　and　the　evils；
both　grotesque　and　gruesome；　of　an　unnatural　reconstruction　are
not　yet　forgotten　in　the　South。

A　second　opportunity　of　the　politician　was　found　in　the　rapid
economic　expansion　that　followed　the　war。　The　feeling　of　security
in　the　North　caused　by　the　success　of　the　Union　arms　buoyed　an
unbounded　optimism　which　made　it　easy　to　enlist　capital　in　new
enterprises；　and　the　protective　tariff　and　liberal　banking　law
stimulated　industry。　Exports　of　raw　material　and　food　products
stimulated　mining；　grazing；　and　farming。　European　capital　sou