the boss and the machine-第24章

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hundred　or　more；　covering　candidates　of　four　or　five　parties　for
scores　of　offices。　These　blanket　ballots　are　sometimes　three　feet
long。　After　an　election　in　Chicago　in　1916；　one　of　the　leading
dailies　expressed　sympathy　〃for　the　voter　emerging　from　the
polling…booth；　clutching　a　handful　of　papers；　one　of　them　about
half　as　large　as　a　bed　sheet。〃　Probably　most　voters　were　able　to
express　a　real　preference　among　the　national　candidates。　It　is
almost　equally　certain　that　most　voters　were　not　able　to　express
a　real　preference　among　important　local　administrative　officials。
A　huge　ballot；　all　printed　over　with　names；　supplemented　by　a
series　of　smaller　ballots；　can　never　be　a　manageable　instrument
even　for　an　electorate　as　intelligent　as　ours。

Simplification　is　the　prophetic　watchword　in　state　government
today。　For　cities；　the　City　Manager　and　the　Commission　have
offered　salvation。　A　few　officers　only　are　elected　and　these　are
held　strictly　responsible；　sometimes　under　the　constant　threat　of
the　recall；　for　the　entire　administration。　Over　four　hundred
cities　have　adopted　the　form　of　government　by　Commission。　But
nothing　has　been　done　to　simplify　our　state　governments；　which
are　surrounded　by　a　maze　of　heterogeneous　and　undirected　boards
and　authorities。　Every　time　the　legislature　found　itself
confronted　by　a　new　function　to　be　cared　for；　it　simply　created　a
new　board。　New　York　has　a　hodgepodge　of　over　116　such
authorities；　Minnesota；　75；　Illinois；　100。　Iowa　in　1913　and
Illinois　and　Minnesota　in　1914；　indeed；　perfected　elaborate
proposals　for　simplifying　their　state　governments。　But　these
suggestions　remain　dormant。　And　the　New　York　State　Constitutional
Convention　in　1915　prepared　a　new　Constitution　for　the　State；
with　the　same　end　in　view；　but　their　work　was　not　accepted　by　the
people。　It　may　be　said；　however；　that　in　our　attempt　to　rid
ourselves　of　boss　rule　we　have　swung　through　the　arc　of　direct
government　and　are　now　on　the　returning　curve　toward
representative　government；　a　more　intensified　representative
government　that　makes　evasion　of　responsibility　and　duty
impossible　by　fixing　it　upon　one　or　two　men。



CHAPTER　X。　PARTY　REFORM

The　State；　at　first；　had　paid　little　attention　to　the　party；
which　was　regarded　as　a　purely　voluntary　aggregation　of
like…minded　citizens。　Evidently　the　State　could　not　dictate　that
you　should　be　a　Democrat　or　a　Republican　or　force　you　to　be　an
Independent。　With　the　adoption　of　the　Australian　ballot；　however；
came　the　legal　recognition　of　the　party；　for　as　soon　as　the　State
recognized　the　party's　designated　nominees　in　the　preparation　of
the　official　ballot；　it　recognized　the　party。　It　was　then
discovered　that；　unless　some　restrictions　were　imposed；　groups　of
interested　persons　in　the　old　parties　would　manage　the
nominations　of　both　to　their　mutual　satisfaction。　Thus　a　handful
of　Democrats　would　visit　Republican　caucuses　or　primaries　and　a
handful　of　Republicans　would　return　the　favor　to　the　Democrats。
In　other　words；　the　bosses　of　both　parties　would　cooperate　in
order　to　secure　nominations　satisfactory　to　themselves。
Massachusetts　began　the　reform　by　defining　a　party　as　a　group　of
persons　who　had　cast　a　certain　percentage　of　the　votes　at　the
preceding　election。　This　definition　has　been　widely　accepted；　and
the　number　of　votes　has　been　variously　fixed　at　from　two　to
twenty…five　per　cent。　Other　States　have　followed　the　New　York
plan　of　fixing　definitely　the　number　of　voters　necessary　to　form
a　party。　In　New　York　no　fewer　than　10；000　voters　can　secure
recognition　as　a　state　party；　exception　being　made　in　favor　of
municipal　or　purely　local　parties。　But　merely　fixing　the
numerical　minimum　of　the　party　was　not　enough。　The　State　took
another　step　forward　in　depriving　the　manipulator　of　his　liberty
when　it　undertook　to　determine　who　was　entitled　to　membership　in
the　party　and　privileged　to　take　part　in　its　nominations　and
other　party　procedure。　Otherwise　the　virile　minority　in　each
party　would　control　both　the　membership　and　the　nominations。

An　Oregon　statute　declares：　〃Every　political　party　and　every
volunteer　political　organization　has　the　same　right　to　be
protected　from　the　interference　of　persons　who　are　not　identified
with　it；　as　its　known　and　publicly　avowed　members；　that　the
government　of　the　State　has　to　protect　itself　from　the
interference　of　persons　who　are　not　known　and　registered　as　its
electors。　It　is　as　great　a　wrong　to　the　people；　as　well　as　to
members　of　a　political　party；　for　anyone　who　is　not　known　to　be
one　of　its　members　to　vote　or　take　any　part　at　any　election；　or
other　proceedings　of　such　political　party；　as　it　is　for　one　who
is　not　a　qualified　and　registered　elector　to　vote　at　any　state
election　or　to　take　part　in　the　business　of　the　State。〃　It　is　a
far　reach　from　the　democratic　laissez　faire　of　Jackson's　day　to
this　state　dogmatism　which　threatens　the　independent　or　detached
voter　with　ultimate　extinction。

A　variety　of　methods　have　been　adopted　for　initiating　the　citizen
into　party　membership。　In　the　Southern　States；　where　the　dual
party　system　does　not　exist；　the　legislature　has　left　the　matter
in　the　hands　of　the　duly　appointed　party　officials。　They　can；
with　canonical　rigor；　determine　the　party　standing　of　voters　at
the　primaries。　But　where　there　is　party　competition；　such　a
generous　endowment　of　power　would　be　dangerous。

Many　States　permit　the　voter　to　make　his　declaration　of　party
allegiance　when　he　goes　to　the　primary。　He　asks　for　the　ticket　of
the　party　whose　nominees　he　wishes　to　help　select。　He　is　then
handed　the　party's　ballot；　which　he　marks　and　places　in　the
ballot…box　of　that　party。　Now；　if　he　is　challenged；　he　must
declare　upon　oath　that　he　is　a　member　of　that　party；　that　he　has
generally　supported　its　tickets　and　its　principles；　and　that　at
the　coming　election　he　intends　to　support　at　least　a　majority　of
its　nominees。　In　this　method　little　freedom　is　left　to　the　voter
who　wishes　to　participate　as　an　independent　both　in　the　primaries
and　in　the　general　election。

The　New　York　plan　is　more　rigorous。　Here；　in　all　cities；　the
voter　enrolls　his　name　on　his　party's　lists　when　he　goes　to
register　for　the　coming　election。　He　receives　a　ballot　upon　which
are　the　following　words：　〃I　am　in　general　sympathy　with　the
principles　of　the　party　which　I　have　designated　by　my　mark
hereunder；　it　is　my　intention　to　support　generally　at　the　next
general　election；　state　and　national；　the　nominees　of　such　party
for　state　and　national　offices；　and　I　have　not　enrolled　with　or
participated　in　any　primary　election　or　convention　of　any　other
party　since　the　first　day　of　last　year。〃　On　this　enrollment　blank
he　indicates　the　party　of　his　choice；　and　the　election　officials
deposit　all　the　ballots；　after　sealing　them　in　envelopes；　in　a
special　box。　At　a　time　designated　by　law；　these　seals　are　broken
and　the　party　enrollment　is　compiled　from　them。　These　party
enrollment　books　are　public　records。　Everyone　who　cares　may
consult　the　lists。　The　advantages　of　secrecysuch　as　they
areare　thus　not　secured。

It　remained　for　Wisconsin；　the　experimenting　State；　to　find　a　way
of　insuring　secrecy。　Here；　when　the　voter　goes　to　the　primary；　he
is　handed　a　large　ballot；　upon　which　all　the　party　nominations
are　printed。　The　different　party　tickets　are　separated　by
perforations；　so　that　the　voter　simply　tears　out　the　party　ticket
he　wishes　to　vote；　marks　it；　and　puts　it　in　the　box。　The　rejected
tickets　he　deposits　in　a　large　waste　basket　provided　for　the
discards。

While　the　party　was　being　fenced　in　by　legal　definition；　its
machinery；　the　intricate　hierarchy　of　committees；　was　subjected
to　state　scrutiny　with　the　avowed　object　of　ridding　the　party　of
ring　rule。　The　State　Central　Committee　is　the　key　to　the
situation。　To　democratize　this　committee　is　a　task　that　has
severely　tested　the　ingenuity　of　the　State；　for　the　inventive
capacity　of　the　professional　politician　is　prodigious。　The
devices　to　circumvent　the　politician　are　so　numerous　and　various
that　only　a　few　types　can　be　selected　to　illustrate　how　the　State
is　carrying　out　its　determination。　Illinois　has　provided　perhaps
t