the boss and the machine-第18章

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cliques　and　are　being　made　the　gift　of　the　voters　through
petitions　and　primaries；　efficient　reforms　in　the　taxing　and
budgetary　machinery　have　been　instituted；　and　the　development　of
the　merit　system　in　the　civil　service　is　creating　a　class　of
municipal　experts　beyond　the　reach　of　political　gangsters。

There　have　sprung　up　all　sorts　of　collateral　organizations　to
help　the　officials：　societies　for　municipal　research；　municipal
reference　libraries；　citizens'　unions；　municipal　leagues；　and
municipal　parties。　These　are　further　supplemented　by
organizations　which　indirectly　add　to　the　momentum　of　practical；
enlightened　municipal　sentiment：　boards　of　commerce；　associations
of　business　and　professional　men　of　every　variety；　women's　clubs；
men's　clubs；　children's　clubs；　recreation　clubs；　social　clubs；
every　one　with　its　own　peculiar　vigilance　upon　some　corner　of　the
city's　affairs。　So　every　important　city　is　guarded　by　a　network
of　voluntary　organizations。

All　these　changes　in　city　government；　in　municipal　laws　and
political　mechanisms；　and　in　the　people's　attitude　toward　their
cities；　have　tended　to　dignify　municipal　service。　The　city　job
has　been　lifted　to　a　higher　plane。　Lord　Rosebery；　the　brilliant
chairman　of　the　first　London　County　Council；　the　governing　body
of　the　world's　largest　city；　said　many　years　ago：　〃I　wish　that　my
voice　could　extend　to　every　municipality　in　the　kingdom；　and
impress　upon　every　man；　however　high　his　position；　however　great
his　wealth；　however　consummate　his　talents　may　be；　the　importance
and　nobility　of　municipal　work。〃　It　is　such　a　spirit　as　this　that
has　made　the　government　of　Glasgow　a　model　of　democratic
efficiency；　and　it　is　the　beginnings　of　this　spirit　that　the
municipal　historian　finds　developing　in　the　last　twenty　years　of
American　life。　It　is　indeed　difficult　to　see　how　our　cities　can
slip　back　again　into　the　clutches　of　bosses　and　rings　and　repeat
the　shameful　history　of　the　last　decades　of　the　nineteenth
century。



CHAPTER　VII。　LEGISLATIVE　OMNIPOTENCE

The　American　people；　when　they　wrote　their　first　state
constitutions；　were　filled　with　a　profound　distrust　of　executive
authority；　the　offspring　of　their　experience　with　the　arbitrary
King　George。　So　they　saw　to　it　that　the　executive　authority　in
their　own　government　was　reduced　to　its　lowest　terms；　and　that
the　legislative　authority；　which　was　presumed　to　represent　the
people；　was　exalted　to　legal　omnipotence。　In　the　original　States；
the　legislature　appointed　many　of　the　judicial　and　administrative
officers；　it　was　above　the　executive　veto；　it　had　political
supremacy；　it　determined　the　form　of　local　governments　and
divided　the　State　into　election　precincts；　it　appointed　the
delegates　to　the　Continental　Congress；　towards　which　it　displayed
the　attitude　of　a　sovereign。　It　was　altogether　the　most　important
arm　of　the　state　government；　in　fact　it　virtually　was　the　state
government。　The　Federal　Constitution　created　a　government　of
specified　powers；　reserving　to　the　States　all　authority　not
expressly　given　to　the　central　government。　Congress　can　legislate
only　on　subjects　permitted　by　the　Constitution；　on　the　other
hand；　a　state　legislature　can　legislate　on　any　subject　not
expressly　forbidden。　The　state　legislature　possesses　authority
over　a　far　wider　range　of　subjects　than　Congresssubjects；
moreover；　which　press　much　nearer　to　the　daily　activities　of　the
citizens；　such　as　the　wide　realm　of　private　law；　personal
relations；　local　government；　and　property。

In　the　earlier　days；　men　of　first…class　ability；　such　as
Alexander　Hamilton；　Samuel　Adams；　and　James　Madison；　did　not
disdain　membership　in　the　state　legislatures。　But　the　development
of　party　spirit　and　machine　politics　brought　with　it　a　great
change。　Then　came　the　legislative　caucus；　and　party　politics　soon
reigned　in　every　capital。　As　the　legislature　was　ruled　by　the
majority；　the　dominant　party　elected　presiding　officers；
designated　committees；　appointed　subordinates；　and　controlled
lawmaking。　The　party　was　therefore　in　a　position　to　pay　its
political　debts　and　bestow　upon　its　supporters　valuable　favors。
Further；　as　the　legislature　apportioned　the　various　electoral
districts；　the　dominant　party　could；　by　means　of　the　gerrymander；
entrench　itself　even　in　unfriendly　localities。　And；　to　crown　its
political　power；　it　elected　United　States　Senators。　But；　as　the
power　of　the　party　increased；　unfortunately　the　personnel　of　the
legislature　deteriorated。　Able　men；　as　a　rule；　shunned　a　service
that　not　only　took　them　from　their　private　affairs　for　a　number
of　months；　but　also　involved　them　in　partizan　rivalries　and
trickeries。　Gradually　the　people　came　to　lose　confidence　in　the
legislative　body　and　to　put　their　trust　more　in　the　Executive　or
else　reserved　governmental　powers　to　themselves。　It　was　about
1835　that　the　decline　of　the　legislature's　powers　set　in；　when
new　state　constitutions　began　to　clip　its　prerogatives；　one　after
another。

The　bulky　constitutions　now　adopted　by　most　of　the　States　are
eloquent　testimony　to　the　complete　collapse　of　the　legislature　as
an　administrative　body　and　to　the　people's　general　distrust　of
their　chosen　representatives。　The　initiative；　referendum；　recall；
and　the　withholding　of　important　subjects　from　the　legislature's
power；　are　among　the　devices　intended　to　free　the　people　from　the
machinations　of　their　wilful　representatives。

Now；　most　of　the　evils　which　these　heroic　measures　have　sought　to
remedy　can　be　traced　directly　to　the　partizan　ownership　of　the
state　legislature。　The　boss　controlling　the　members　of　the
legislature　could　not　only　dole　out　his　favors　to　the　privilege
seekers；　he　could　assuage　the　greed　of　the　municipal　ring；　and
could；　to　a　lesser　degree；　command　federal　patronage　by　an
entente　cordiale　with　congressmen　and　senators；　and　through　his
power　in　presidential　conventions　and　elections　he　had　a　direct
connection　with　the　presidential　office　itself。

It　was　in　the　days　before　the　legislature　was　prohibited　from
granting；　by　special　act；　franchises　and　charters；　when　banks；
turnpike　companies；　railroads；　and　all　sorts　of　corporations　came
asking　for　charters；　that　the　figure　of　the　lobbyist　first
appeared。　He　acted　as　a　middleman　between　the　seeker　and　the
giver。　The　preeminent　figure　of　this　type　in　state　and
legislative　politics　for　several　decades　preceding　the　Civil　War
was　Thurlow　Weed　of　New　York。　As　an　influencer　of　legislatures；
he　stands　easily　first　in　ability　and　achievement。　His　great
personal　attractions　won　him　willing　followers　whom　he　knew　how
to　use。　He　was　party　manager；　as　well　as　lobbyist　and　boss　in　a
real　sense　long　before　that　term　was　coined。　His　capacity　for
politics　amounted　to　genius。　He　never　sought　office；　and　his
memory　has　been　left　singularly　free　from　taint。　He　became　the
editor　of　the　Albany　Journal　and　made　it　the　leading　Whig
〃up…state〃　paper。　His　friend　Seward；　whom　he　had　lifted　into　the
Governor's　chair；　passed　on　to　the　United　States　Senate；　and　when
Horace　Greeley　with　the　New　York　Tribune　joined　their　forces；
this　potent　triumvirate　ruled　the　Empire　State。　Greeley　was　its
spokesman；　Seward　its　leader；　but　Weed　was　its　designer。　From　his
room　No。　11　in　the　old　Astor　House；　he　beckoned　to　forces　that
made　or　unmade　presidents；　governors；　ambassadors；　congressmen；
judges；　and　legislators。

With　the　tremendous　increase　of　business　after　the　Civil　War；　New
York　City　became　the　central　office　of　the　nation's　business；　and
many　of　the　interests　centered　there　found　it　wise　to　have
permanent　representatives　at　Albany　to　scrutinize　every　bill　that
even　remotely　touched　their　welfare；　to　promote　legislation　that
was　frankly　in　their　favor；　and　to　prevent　〃strikes〃the　bills
designed　for　blackmail。　After　a　time；　however；　the　number　of
〃strikes〃　decreased；　as　well　as　the　number　of　lobbyists　attending
the　session。　The　corporate　interests　had　learned　efficiency。
Instead　of　dealing　with　legislators　individually；　they　arranged
with　the　boss　the　price　of　peace　or　of　desirable　legislation。　The
boss　transmitted　his　wishes　to　his　puppets。　This　form　of
government　depends　upon　a　machine　that　con