part15-第5章

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which　was　of　eight　years；　presented　an　example　of　harmony　in　a

cabinet　of　six　person；　to　which　perhaps　history　has　furnished　no

parallel。　　There　never　arose；　during　the　whole　time；　an　instance　of

an　unpleasant　thought　or　word　between　the　members。　　We　sometimes　met

under　differences　of　opinion；　but　scarcely　ever　failed；　by　conversing

and　reasoning；　so　to　modify　each　other's　ideas；　as　to　produce　an

unanimous　result。　　Yet；　able　and　amicable　as　these　members　were；　I　am

not　certain　this　would　have　been　the　case；　had　each　possessed　equal

and　independent　powers。　　Ill…defined　limits　of　their　respective

departments；　jealousies；　trifling　at　first；　but　nourished　and

strengthened　by　repetition　of　occasions；　intrigues　without　doors　of

designing　persons　to　build　an　importance　to　themselves　on　the

divisions　of　others；　might；　from　small　beginnings；　have　produced

persevering　oppositions。　　But　the　power　of　decision　in　the　President

left　no　object　for　internal　dissension；　and　external　intrigue　was

stifled　in　embryo　by　the　knowledge　which　incendiaries　possessed；　that

no　division　they　could　foment　would　change　the　course　of　the

executive　power。　　I　am　not　conscious　that　my　participations　in

executive　authority　have　produced　any　bias　in　favor　of　the　single

executive；　because　the　parts　I　have　acted　have　been　in　the

subordinate；　as　well　as　superior　stations；　and　because；　if　I　know

myself；　what　I　have　felt；　and　what　I　have　wished；　I　know　that　I　have

never　been　so　well　pleased；　as　when　I　could　shift　power　from　my　own；

on　the　shoulders　of　others；　nor　have　I　ever　been　able　to　conceive　how

any　rational　being　could　propose　happiness　to　himself　from　the

exercise　of　power　over　others。




　　　　　　　　I　am　still；　however；　sensible　of　the　solidity　of　your

principle；　that；　to　insure　the　safety　of　the　public　liberty；　its

depository　should　be　subject　to　be　changed　with　the　greatest　ease

possible；　and　without　suspending　or　disturbing　for　a　moment　the

movements　of　the　machine　of　government。　　You　apprehend　that　a　single

executive；　with　eminence　of　talent；　and　destitution　of　principle；

equal　to　the　object；　might；　by　usurpation；　render　his　powers

hereditary。　　Yet　I　think　history　furnishes　as　many　examples　of　a

single　usurper　arising　out　of　a　government　by　a　plurality；　as　of

temporary　trusts　of　power　in　a　single　hand　rendered　permanent　by

usurpation。　　I　do　not　believe；　therefore；　that　this　danger　is

lessened　in　the　hands　of　a　plural　executive。　　Perhaps　it　is　greatly

increased；　by　the　state　of　inefficiency　to　which　they　are　liable　from

feuds　and　divisions　among　themselves。　　The　conservative　body　you

propose　might　be　so　constituted；　as；　while　it　would　be　an　admirable

sedative　in　a　variety　of　smaller　cases；　might　also　be　a　valuable

sentinel　and　check　on　the　liberticide　views　of　an　ambitious

individual。　　I　am　friendly　to　this　idea。　　But　the　true　barriers　of

our　liberty　in　this　country　are　our　State　governments；　and　the　wisest

conservative　power　ever　contrived　by　man；　is　that　of　which　our

Revolution　and　present　government　found　us　possessed。　　Seventeen

distinct　States；　amalgamated　into　one　as　to　their　foreign　concerns；

but　single　and　independent　as　to　their　internal　administration；

regularly　organized　with　legislature　and　governor　resting　on　the

choice　of　the　people；　and　enlightened　by　a　free　press；　can　never　be

so　fascinated　by　the　arts　of　one　man；　as　to　submit　voluntarily　to　his

usurpation。　　Nor　can　they　be　constrained　to　it　by　any　force　he　can

possess。　　While　that　may　paralyze　the　single　State　in　which　it

happens　to　be　encamped；　sixteen　others；　spread　over　a　country　of　two

thousand　miles　diameter；　rise　up　on　every　side；　ready　organized　for

deliberation　by　a　constitutional　legislature；　and　for　action　by　their

governor；　constitutionally　the　commander　of　the　militia　of　the　State；

that　is　to　say；　of　every　man　in　it　able　to　bear　arms；　and　that

militia；　too；　regularly　formed　into　regiments　and　battalions；　into

infantry；　cavalry　and　artillery；　trained　under　officers　general　and

subordinate；　legally　appointed；　always　in　readiness；　and　to　whom　they

are　already　in　habits　of　obedience。　　The　republican　government　of

France　was　lost　without　a　struggle；　because　the　party　of　_〃un　et

indivisible〃_　had　prevailed；　no　provincial　organizations　existed　to

which　the　people　might　rally　under　authority　of　the　laws；　the　seats

of　the　directory　were　virtually　vacant；　and　a　small　force　sufficed　to

turn　the　legislature　out　of　their　chamber；　and　to　salute　its　leader

chief　of　the　nation。　　But　with　us；　sixteen　out　of　seventeen　States

rising　in　mass；　under　regular　organization；　and　legal　commanders；

united　in　object　and　action　by　their　Congress；　or；　if　that　be　in

_duresse_；　by　a　special　convention；　present　such　obstacles　to　an

usurper　as　forever　to　stifle　ambition　in　the　first　conception　of　that

object。




　　　　　　　　Dangers　of　another　kind　might　more　reasonably　be　apprehended

from　this　perfect　and　distinct　organization；　civil　and　military；　of

the　States；　to　wit；　that　certain　States　from　local　and　occasional

discontents；　might　attempt　to　secede　from　the　Union。　　This　is

certainly　possible；　and　would　be　befriended　by　this　regular

organization。　　But　it　is　not　probable　that　local　discontents　can

spread　to　such　an　extent；　as　to　be　able　to　face　the　sound　parts　of　so

extensive　an　Union；　and　if　ever　they　should　reach　the　majority；　they

would　then　become　the　regular　government；　acquire　the　ascendency　in

Congress；　and　be　able　to　redress　their　own　grievances　by　laws

peaceably　and　constitutionally　passed。　　And　even　the　States　in　which

local　discontents　might　engender　a　commencement　of　fermentation；

would　be　paralyzed　and　self…checked　by　that　very　division　into

parties　into　which　we　have　fallen；　into　which　all　States　must　fall

wherein　men　are　at　liberty　to　think；　speak；　and　act　freely；　according

to　the　diversities　of　their　individual　conformations；　and　which　are；

perhaps；　essential　to　preserve　the　purity　of　the　government；　by　the

censorship　which　these　parties　habitually　exercise　over　each　other。




　　　　　　　　You　will　read；　I　am　sure；　with　indulgence；　the　explanations　of

the　grounds　on　which　I　have　ventured　to　form　an　opinion　differing

from　yours。　　They　prove　my　respect　for　your　judgment；　and　diffidence

in　my　own；　which　have　forbidden　me　to　retain；　without　examination；　an

opinion　questioned　by　you。　　Permit　me　now　to　render　my　portion　of　the

general　debt　of　gratitude；　by　acknowledgements　in　advance　for　the

singular　benefaction　which　is　the　subject　of　this　letter；　to　tender

my　wishes　for　the　continuance　of　a　life　so　usefully　employed；　and　to

add　the　assurances　of　my　perfect　esteem　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　THE　LATIN　AMERICAN　REVOLUTION




　　　　　　　　_To　Alexander　von　Humboldt_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　April　14；　1811_




　　　　　　　　MY　DEAR　BARON；　　The　interruption　of　our　intercourse　with

France　for　some　time　past；　has　prevented　my　writing　to　you。　　A

conveyance　now　occurs；　by　Mr。　Barlow　or　Mr。　Warden；　both　of　them

going　in　a　public　capacity。　　It　is　the　first　safe　opportunity　offered

of　acknowledging　your　favor　of　September　23d；　and　the　receipt　at

different　times　of　the　IIId　part　of　your　valuable　work；　2d；　3d；　4th

and　5th　livraisons；　and　the　IVth　part；　2d；　3d；　and　4th　livraisons；

with　the　_Tableaux　de　la　nature_；　and　an　interesting　map　of　New

Spain。　　For　these　magnificent　and　much　esteemed　favors；　accept　my

sincere　thanks。　　They　give　us　a　knowledge　of　that　country　more

accurate　than　I　believe　we　possess　of　Europe；　the　seat　of　the　science

of　a　thousand　years。　　It　comes　out；　too；　at　a　moment　when　those

countries　are　beginning　to　be　interesting　to　the　whole　world。　　They

are　now　becoming　the　scenes　of　political　revolution；　to　take　their

stations　as　integral　members　of　the　great　family　of　nations。　　All　are

now　in　insurrection。　　In　several；　the　Independents　are　already

triumphant；　and　they　will　undoubtedly　be　so　in　all。　　What　kind　of

government　will　they　establish？　　How　much