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        A LAW BEYOND THE CONSTITUTION




        _To John B。 Colvin_

        _Monticello; September 20; 1810_




        SIR;  Your favor of the 14th has been duly received; and I

have to thank you for the many obliging things respecting myself

which are said in it。  If I have left in the breasts of my fellow

citizens a sentiment of satisfaction with my conduct in the

transaction of their business; it will soften the pillow of my repose

through the residue of life。




        The question you propose; whether circumstances do not

sometimes occur; which make it a duty in officers of high trust; to

assume authorities beyond the law; is easy of solution in principle;

but sometimes embarrassing in practice。  A strict observance of the

written laws is doubtless _one_ of the high duties of a good citizen;

but it is not _the highest_。  The laws of necessity; of

self…preservation; of saving our country when in danger; are of

higher obligation。  To lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to

written law; would be to lose the law itself; with life; liberty;

property and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absurdly

sacrificing the end to the means。  When; in the battle of Germantown;

General Washington's army was annoyed from Chew's house; he did not

hesitate to plant his cannon against it; although the property of a

citizen。  When he besieged Yorktown; he leveled the suburbs; feeling

that the laws of property must be postponed to the safety of the

nation。  While the army was before York; the Governor of Virginia

took horses; carriages; provisions and even men by force; to enable

that army to stay together till it could master the public enemy; and

he was justified。  A ship at sea in distress for provisions; meets

another having abundance; yet refusing a supply; the law of

self…preservation authorizes the distressed to take a supply by

force。  In all these cases; the unwritten laws of necessity; of

self…preservation; and of the public safety; control the written laws

of _meum_ and _tuum_。  Further to exemplify the principle; I will

state an hypothetical case。  Suppose it had been made known to the

Executive of the Union in the autumn of 1805; that we might have the

Floridas for a reasonable sum; that that sum had not indeed been so

appropriated by law; but that Congress were to meet within three

weeks; and might appropriate it on the first or second day of their

session。  Ought he; for so great an advantage to his country; to have

risked himself by transcending the law and making the purchase? The

public advantage offered; in this supposed case; was indeed immense;

but a reverence for law; and the probability that the advantage might

still be _legally_ accomplished by a delay of only three weeks; were

powerful reasons against hazarding the act。  But suppose it foreseen

that a John Randolph would find means to protract the proceeding on

it by Congress; until the ensuing spring; by which time new

circumstances would change the mind of the other party。  Ought the

Executive; in that case; and with that foreknowledge; to have secured

the good to his country; and to have trusted to their justice for the

transgression of the law? I think he ought; and that the act would

have been approved。  After the affair of the Chesapeake; we thought

war a very possible result。  Our magazineswere illy provided with

some necessary articles; nor had any appropriations been made for

their purchase。  We ventured; however; to provide them; and to place

our country in safety; and stating the case to Congress; they

sanctioned the act。




        To proceed to the conspiracy of Burr; and particularly to

General Wilkinson's situation in New Orleans。  In judging this case;

we are bound to consider the state of the information; correct and

incorrect; which he then possessed。  He expected Burr and his band

from above; a British fleet from below; and he knew there was a

formidable conspiracy within the city。Under these circumstances; was

he justifiable; 1st; in seizing notorious conspirators? On this there

can be but two opinions; one; of the guilty and their accomplices;

the other; that of all honest men。  2d。 In sending them to the seat

of government; when the written law gave them a right to trial in the

territory? The danger of their rescue; of their continuing their

machinations; the tardiness and weakness of the law; apathy of the

judges; active patronage of the whole tribe of lawyers; unknown

disposition of the juries; an hourly expectation of the enemy;

salvation of the city; and of the Union itself; which would have been

convulsed to its centre; had that conspiracy succeeded; all these

constituted a law of necessity and self…preservation; and rendered

the _salus populi_ supreme over the written law。  The officer who is

called to act on this superior ground; does indeed risk himself on

the justice of the controlling powers of the constitution; and his

station makes it his duty to incur that risk。  But those controlling

powers; and his fellow citizens generally; are bound to judge

according to the circumstances under which he acted。  They are not to

transfer the information of this place or moment to the time and

place of his action; but to put themselves into his situation。  We

knew here that there never was danger of a British fleet from below;

and that Burr's band was crushed before it reached the Mississippi。

But General Wilkinson's information was very different; and he could

act on no other。




        From these examples and principles you may see what I think on

the question proposed。  They do not go to the case of persons charged

with petty duties; where consequences are trifling; and time allowed

for a legal course; nor to authorize them to take such cases out of

the written law。  In these; the example of overleaping the law is of

greater evil than a strict adherence to its imperfect provisions。  It

is incumbent on those only who accept of great charges; to risk

themselves on great occasions; when the safety of the nation; or some

of its very high interests are at stake。  An officer is bound to obey

orders; yet he would be a bad one who should do it in cases for which

they were not intended; and which involved the most important

consequences。  The line of discrimination between cases may be

difficult; but the good officer is bound to draw it at his own peril;

and throw himself on the justice of his country and the rectitude of

his motives。




        I have indulged freer views on this question; on your

assurances that they are for your own eye only; and that they will

not get into the hands of newswriters。  I met their scurrilities

without concern; while in pursuit of the great interests with which I

was charged。  But in my present retirement; no duty forbids my wish

for quiet。




        Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect。







        RELATIONS WITH ADAMS




        _To Dr。 Benjamin Rush_

        _Monticello; January 16; 1811_




        DEAR SIR;  I had been considering for some days; whether it

was not time by a letter; to bring myself to your recollection; when

I received your welcome favor of the 2d instant。  I had before heard

of the heart…rending calamity you mention; and had sincerely

sympathized with your afflictions。  But I had not made it the subject

of a letter; because I knew that condolences were but renewals of

grief。  Yet I thought; and still think; this is one of the cases

wherein we should 〃not sorrow; even as others who have no hope。〃 I

have myself known so many cases of recovery from confirmed insanity;

as to reckon it ever among the recoverable diseases。  One of them was

that of a near relative and namesake of mine; who; after many years

of madness of the first degree; became entirely sane; and amused

himself to a good old age in keeping school; was an excellent teacher

and much valued citizen。




       

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