list4-第3章

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suffered　shipwreck　in　both　countries。　Just　as　formerly　in　the　year



1786；　so　also　on　this　occasion；　the　English　received　great　support



from　the　theorists；　and　the　liberal　party　in　France；　carried　away



by　the　grand　idea　of　universal　freedom　of　trade　and　by　Say's



superficial　arguments；　and　from　feelings　of　opposition　towards　a



detested　Government　and　supported　by　the　maritime　towns；　the　wine



growers；　and　the　silk　manufacturers；　the　liberal　party　clamorously



demanded；　as　they　had　done　in　the　year　1786；　extension　of　the　trade



with　England　as　the　one　true　method　of　promoting　the　national



welfare。



　　　　For　whatever　faults　people　may　lay　to　the　charge　of　the



Restoration；　it　rendered　an　undeniable　service　to　France；　a　service



which　posterity　will　not　dispute；　it　did　not　allow　itself　to　be



misled　into　a　false　step　as　respects　commercial　policy　either　by



the　stratagems　of　the　English　or　by　the　outcry　of　the　liberals。　Mr



Canning　laid　this　business　so　much　to　heart　that　he　himself　made　a



journey　to　Paris　in　order　to　convince　Monsieur　Vill鑜e　of　the



excellence　of　his　measures；　and　to　induce　him　to　imitate　them。　M。



Vill鑜e　was；　however；　much　too　practical　not　to　see　completely



through　this　stratagem；　he　is　said　to　have　replied　to　Mr　Canning；



'If　England　in　the　far　advanced　position　of　her　industry　permits



greater　foreign　competition　than　formerly；　that　policy　corresponds



to　England's　own　well…understood　interests。　But　at　this　time　it　is



to　the　well…understood　interests　of　France　that　she　should　secure



to　her　manufactories　which　have　not　as　yet　attained　perfect



development；　that　protection　which　is　at　present　indispensable　to



them　for　that　object。　But　whenever　the　moment　shall　have　arrived



when　French　manufacturing　industry　can　be　better　promoted　by



permitting　foreign　competition　than　by　restricting　it；　then　he　（M。



Vill鑜e）　would　not　delay　to　derive　advantage　from　following　the



example　of　Mr　Canning。'



　　　　Annoyed　by　this　conclusive　answer；　Canning　boasted　in　open



Parliament　after　his　return；　how　he　had　hung　a　millstone　on　the



neck　of　the　French　Government　by　means　of　the　Spanish　intervention；



from　which　it　follows　that　the　cosmopolitan　sentiments　and　the



European　liberalism　of　Mr　Canning　were　not　spoken　quite　so　much　in



earnest　as　the　good　liberals　on　the　Continent　might　have　chosen　to



believe。　For　how　could　Mr　Canning；　if　the　cause　of　liberalism　on



the　Continent　had　interested　him　in　the　least；　have　sacrificed　the



liberal　constitution　of　Spain　to　the　French　intervention　owing　to



the　mere　desire　to　hang　a　millstone　round　the　neck　of　the　French



Government？　The　truth　is；　that　Mr　Canning　was　every　inch　an



Englishman；　and　he　only　permitted　himself　to　entertain



philanthropical　or　cosmopolitical　sentiments；　when　they　could　prove



serviceable　to　him　in　strengthening　and　still　further　extending　the



industry　and　commercial　supremacy　of　England；　or　in　throwing　dust



into　the　eyes　of　England's　rivals　in　industry　and　commerce。



　　　　In　fact；　no　great　sagacity　was　needed　on　the　part　of　M。　Vill鑜e



to　perceive　the　snare　which　had　been　laid　for　him　by　Mr　Canning。　In



the　experience　of　neighbouring　Germany；　who　after　the　abolition　of



the　Continental　system　had　continually　retrograded　farther　and



farther　in　respect　of　her　industry；　M。　Vill鑜e　possessed　a　striking



proof　of　the　true　value　of　the　principle　of　commercial　freedom　as



it　was　understood　in　England。　Also　France　was　prospering　too　well



under　the　system　which　she　had　adopted　since　1815；　for　her　to　be



willing　to　attempt；　like　the　dog　in　the　fable；　to　let　go　the



substance　and　snap　at　the　shadow。　Men　of　the　deepest　insight　into



the　condition　of　industry；　such　as　Chaptal　and　Charles　Dupin；　had



expressed　themselves　on　the　results　of　this　system　in　the　most



unequivocal　manner。



　　　　Chaptal's　work　on　French　industry　is　nothing　less　than　a



defence　of　the　French　commercial　policy；　and　an　exposition　of　its



results　as　a　whole　and　in　every　particular。　The　tendency　of　this



work　is　expressed　in　the　following　quotation　from　it。　'Instead　of



losing　ourselves　in　the　labyrinth　of　metaphysical　abstractions；　we



maintain　above　all　that　which　exists；　and　seek　above　all　to　make　it



perfect。　Good　customs　legislation　is　the　bulwark　of　manufacturing



industry。　It　increases　or　lessens　import　duties　according　to



circumstances；　it　compensates　the　disadvantages　of　higher　wages　of



labour　and　of　higher　prices　of　fuel；　it　protects　arts　and



industries　in　their　cradle　until　they　at　length　become　strong



enough　to　bear　foreign　competition；　it　creates　the　industrial



independence　of　France　and　enriches　the　nation　through　labour；



which；　as　I　have　already　often　remarked；　is　the　chief　source　of



wealth。'（4*）



　　　　Charles　Dupin　had；　in　his　work　'On　the　Productive　Powers　of



France；　and　on　the　Progress　of　French　Industry　from　1814　to　1847；'



thrown　such　a　clear　light　on　the　results　of　the　commercial　policy



which　France　had　followed　since　the　Restoration；　that　it　was



impossible　that　a　French　minister　could　think　of　sacrificing　this



work　of　half　a　century；　which　had　cost　such　sacrifices；　which　was



so　rich　in　fruits；　and　so　full　of　promise　for　the　future；　merely



for　the　attractions　of　a　Methuen　Treaty。



　　　　The　American　tariff　for　the　year　1828　was　a　natural　and



necessary　result　of　the　English　commercial　system；　which　shut　out



from　the　English　frontiers　the　North　American　timber；　grain；　meal；



and　other　agricultural　products；　and　only　permitted　raw　cotton　to



be　received　by　England　in　exchange　for　her　manufactured　goods。　On



this　system　the　trade　with　England　only　tended　to　promote　the



agricultural　labour　of　the　American　slaves；　while　on　the　other



hand；　the　freest；　most　enlightened；　and　most　powerful　States　of　the



Union　found　themselves　entirely　arrested　in　their　economical



progress；　and　thus　reduced　to　dispose　of　their　annual　surplus　of



population　and　capital　by　emigration　to　the　waste　lands　of　the



West。　Mr　Huskisson　understood　this　position　of　affairs　very　well。



It　was　notorious　that　the　English　ambassador　in　Washington　had　more



than　once　correctly　informed　him　of　the　inevitable　consequence　of



the　English　policy。　If　Mr　Huskisson　had　really　been　the　man　that



people　in　other　countries　supposed　him　to　be；　he　would　have　made



use　of　the　publication　of　the　American　tariff　as　a　valuable



opportunity　for　making　the　English　aristocracy　comprehend　the　folly



of　their　corn　laws；　and　the　necessity　of　abolishing　them。　But　what



did　Mr　Huskisson　do？　He　fell　into　a　passion　with　the　Americans　（or



at　least　affected　to　do　so）；　and　in　his　excitement　he　made



allegations　　the　incorrectness　of　which　was　well　known　to　every



American　planter　　and　permitted　himself　to　use　threats　which　made



him　ridiculous。　Mr　Huskisson　said　the　exports　of　England　to　the



United　States　amounted　to　only　about　the　sixth　part　of　all　the



exports　of　England；　while　the　exports　of　the　United　States　to



England　constituted　more　than　half　of　all　their　exports。　From　this



he　sought　to　prove　that　the　Americans　were　more　in　the　power　of　the



English　than　the　latter　were　in　that　of　the　former；　and　that　the



English　had　much　less　reason　to　fear　interruptions　of　trade　through



war；　cessation　of　intercourse；　and　so　forth；　than　the　Americans



had。　If　one　looks　merely　at　the　totals　of　the　value　of　the　imports



and　exports；　Huskisson's　argument　appears　sufficiently　plausible；



but　if　one　considers　the　nature　of　the　reciprocal　imports　and



exports；　it　will　then　appear　incomprehensible　how　Mr　Huskisson



could　make　use　of　an　argument　w