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Germany　by　this　policy　than　the　material　values　which　she



sacrifices　for　the　moment　in　her　maritime　provinces；　or　rather



invests　for　repayment　in　the　future。



　　　　The　object　of　the　English　ministry　in　this　report　is　clearly　to



obtain　the　admission　into　Germany　of　ordinary　English　woollen　and



cotton　fabrics；　partly　through　the　abolition　or　at　least



modification　of　charging　duties　by　weight；　partly　through　the



lowering　of　the　tariff；　and　partly　by　the　admission　of　the　German



grain　and　timber　into　the　English　market。　By　these　means　the　first



breach　can　be　made　in　the　German　protective　system。　These　articles



of　ordinary　use　（as　we　have　already　shown　in　a　former　chapter）　are



by　far　the　most　important；　they　are　the　fundamental　element　of　the



national　industry。　Duties　of　ten　per　cent　ad　valorem；　which　are



clearly　aimed　at　by　England；　would；　with　the　assistance　of　the



usual　tricks　of　under　declaration　of　value；　sacrifice　the　greater



part　of　the　German　industry　to　English　competition；　especially　if



in　consequence　of　commercial　crises　the　English　manufacturers　were



sometimes　induced　to　throw　on　the　market　their　stocks　of　goods　at



any　price。　It　is　therefore　no　exaggeration　if　we　maintain　that　the



tendency　of　the　English　proposals　aims　at　nothing　less　than　the



overthrow　of　the　entire　Germ　an　protective　system；　in　order　to



reduce　Germany　to　the　position　of　an　English　agricultural　colony。



With　this　object　in　view　it　is　impressed　on。the　notice　of　Prussia



how　greatly　her　agriculture　might　gain　by　the　reduction　of　the



English　corn　and　timber　duties；　and　how　unimportant　her



manufacturing　interest　is。　With　the　same　view；　the　prospect　is



offered　to　Prussia　of　a　reduction　of　the　duties　on　brandy。　And　in



order　that　the　other　states　may　not　go　quite　empty　away　a　five　per



cent　reduction　of　the　duties　on　N黵emberg　wares；　children's　toys；



eau　de　Cologne；　and　other　trifles；　is　promised。　That　gives



satisfaction　to　the　small　German　states；　and　also　does　not　cost



much。



　　　　The　next　attempt　will　be　to　convince　the　German　governments；　by



means　of　this　report；　how　advantageous　to　them　it　would　be　to　let



England　spin　cotton　and　linen　yarns　for　them。　It　cannot　be　doubted



that　hitherto　the　policy　adopted　by　the　Union；　first　of　all　to



encourage　and　protect　the　printing　of　cloths　and　then　weaving；　and



to　import　the　medium　and　finer　yarns；　has　been　the　right　one。　But



from　that　it　in　nowise　follows　that　it　would　continue　to　be　the



right　one　for　all　time。　The　tariff　legislation　must　advance　as　the



national　industry　advances　if　it　is　rightly　to　fulfil　its　purpose。



We　have　already　shown　that　the　spinning　factories；　quite　apart　from



their　importance　in　themselves；　yet　are　the　source　of　further



incalculable　benefits；　inasmuch　as　they　place　us　in　direct



commercial　communication　with　the　countries　of　warm　climate；　and



hence　that　they　exercise　an　incalculable　influence　on　our



navigation　and　on　our　export　of　manufactures；　and　that　they　benefit



our　manufactories　of　machinery　more　than　any　other　branch　of



manufacture。　Inasmuch　as　it　cannot　be　doubted　that　Germany　cannot



be　hindered　either　by　want　of　water　power　and　of　capable　workmen；



or　by　lack　of　material　capital　or　intelligence；　from　carrying　on



for　herself　this　great　and　fruitful　industry；　so　we　cannot　see　why



we　should　not　gradually　protect　the　spinning　of　yarns　from　one



number　to　another；　in　such　a　way　that　in　the　course　of　five　to　ten



years　we　may　be　able　to　spin　for　ourselves　the　greater　part　of　what



we　require。　However　highly　one　may　estimate　the　advantages　of　the



export　of　grain　and　timber；　they　cannot　nearly　equal　the　benefits



which　must　accrue　to　us　from　the　spinning　manufacture。　Indeed；　we



have　no　hesitation　in　expressing　the　belief　that　it　could　be



incontestably　proved；　by　a　calculation　of　the　consumption　of



agricultural　products　and　timber　which　would　be　created　by　the



spinning　industry；　that　from　this　branch　of　manufacture　alone　far



greater　benefits　must　accrue　to　the　German　landowners　than　the



foreign　market　will　ever　or　can　ever　offer　them。



　　　　Dr　Bowring　doubts　that　Hanover；　Brunswick；　the　two



Mecklenburgs；　Oldenburg；　and　the　Hanse　Towns　will　join　the　Union；



unless　the　latter　is　willing　to　make　a　radical　reduction　in　its



import　duties。　The　latter　proposal；　however；　cannot　be　seriously



considered；　because　it　would　be　immeasurably　worse　than　the　evil



which　by　it；　it　is　desired　to　remedy。



　　　　Our　confidence　in　the　prosperity　of　the　future　of　Germany　is；



however；　by　no　means　so　weak　as　that　of　the　author　of　the　report。



Just　as　the　Revolution　of　July　has　proved　beneficial　to　the　German



Commercial　Union；　so　must　the　next　great　general　convulsion　make　an



end　of　all　the　minor　hesitations　by　which　these　small　states　have



hitherto　been　withheld　from　yielding　to　the　greater　requirements　of



the　German　nationality。　Of　what　value　the　commercial　unity　has　been



to　the　nationality；　and　of　what　value　it　is　to　German　governments；



quite　apart　from　mere　material　interests；　has　been　recently　for　the



first　time　very　strongly　demonstrated；　when　the　desire　to　acquire



the　Rhine　frontier　has　been　loudly　expressed　in　France。



　　　　From　day　to　day　it　is　necessary　that　the　governments　and



peoples　of　Germany　should　be　more　convinced　that　national　unity　is



the　rock　on　which　the　edifice　of　their　welfare；　their　honour；　their



power；　their　present　security　and　existence；　and　their　future



greatness；　must　be　founded。　Thus　from　day　to　day　the　apostasy　of



these　small　maritime　states　will　appear　more　and　more；　not　only　to



the　states　in　the　Union；　but　to　these　small　states　themselves；　in



the　light　of　a　national　scandal　which　must　be　got　rid　of　at　any



price。　Also；　if　the　matter　is　intelligently　considered；　the



material　advantages　of　joining　the　Union　are　much　greater　for　those



states　themselves　than　the　sacrifice　which　it　requires。　The　more



that　manufacturing　industry；　that　the　internal　means　of　transport；



the　navigation；　and　the　foreign　trade　of　Germany；　develop



themselves；　in　that　degree　in　which　under　a　wise　commercial　policy



they　can　and　must　be　developed　in　accordance　with　the　resources　of



the　nation；　so　much　the　more　will　the　desire　become　more　vigorous



on　the　part　of　those　small　states　directly　to　participate　in　these



advantages；　and　so　much　the　more　will　they　leave　off　the　bad　habit



of　looking　to　foreign　countries　for　blessings　and　prosperity。



　　　　In　reference　to　the　Hanse　Towns　especially；　the　spirit　of



imperial　citizenship　of　the　sovereign　parish　of　Hamburg　in　no　way



deters　us　from　our　hopes。　In　those　cities；　according　to　the



testimony　of　the　author　of　the　report　himself；　dwell　a　great　number



of　men　who　comprehend　that　Hamburg；　Bremen；　and　Lubeck　are　and　must



be　to　the　German　nation　that　which　London　and　Liverpool　are　to　the



English；　that　which　New　York；　Boston；　and　Philadelphia　are　to　the



Americans　　men　who　clearly　see　that　the　Commercial　Union　can



offer　advantages　to　their　commerce　with　the　world　which　far　exceed



the　disadvantages　of　subjection　to　the　regulations　of　the　Union；



and　that　a　prosperity　without　any　guarantee　for　its　continuance　is



fundamentally　a　delusion。



　　　　What　sensible　inhabitant　of　those　seaports　could　heartily



congratulate　himself　on　the　continual　increase　of　their　tonnage；　on



the　continual　extension　of　their　commercial　relations；　if　he



reflected　that　two　frigates；　which　coming　from　Heligoland　could　be



stationed　at　the　mouths　of　the　Weser　and　the　Elbe；　would　be　in　a



position　to　destroy　in　twenty…four　hours　this　work　of　a