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are requisite to raise a national industry to that stage to which



the German industry has already attained; who cannot in spirit



foresee the greatness of its future; who could so grievously



disappoint the confidence which the German industrial classes have



reposed in their Governments; and so deeply wound the spirit of



enterprise in the nation; who was incapable of distinguishing



between the lofty position which is occupied by a manufacturing



nation of the first rank; and the inferior position of a country



which merely exports corn and timber; who is not intelligent enough



to estimate how precarious a foreign market for grain and timber is



even in ordinary times; how easily concessions of this kind can be



again revoked; and what convulsions are involved in an interruption



of such a trade; occasioned by wars or hostile commercial



regulations; who; finally; has not learned from the example of



other great states how greatly the existence; the independence; and



the power of the nation depends on its possession of a



manufacturing power of its own; developed in all its branches。



    Truly one must greatly under…estimate the spirit of nationality



and of unity which has arisen in Germany since 1830; if one



believed; as the author of the report does (p。 26); that the policy



of the Commercial Union will follow the separate interests of



Prussia; because two…thirds of the population of the Union are



Prussian。 But Prussia's interests demand the export of grain and



timber to England; the amount of her capital devoted to



manufactures is unimportant; Prussia will therefore oppose every



system which impedes the import of foreign manufactures; and all



the heads of departments in Prussia are of that opinion。



Nevertheless the author of the report says at the beginning of his



report: 'The German Customs Union is an incarnation of the idea of



national unity which widely pervades this country。 If this Union is



well led; it must bring about the fusion of all German interests in



one common league。 The experience of its benefits has made it



popular。 It is the first step towards the nationalisation of the



German people。 By means of the common interest in commercial



questions; it has paved the way for political nationality; and in



place of narrow…minded views; prejudices; and customs; it has laid



down a broader and stronger element of German national existence。'



Now; how does the opinion agree with these perfectly true prefatory



observations; that Prussia will sacrifice the independence and the



future greatness of the nation to a narrow regard to her own



supposed (but in any case only momentary) private interest  that



Prussia will not comprehend that Germany must either rise or fall



with her national commercial policy; as Prussia herself must rise



or fall with Germany? How does the assertion that the Prussian



heads of departments are opposed to the protective system; agree



with the fact that the high duties on ordinary woollen and cotton



fabrics emanated from Prussia herself? And must we not be compelled



to conjecture from these contradictions; and from the fact that the



author of the report paints in such glowing colours the condition



and the progress of the industry of Saxony; that he himself is



desirous of exciting the private jealousy of Prussia?



    Be that as it may; it is very strange that Dr Bowring attaches



such great importance to the private statements of heads of



departments; he an English author who ought to be well aware of the



power of public opinion  who ought to know that in our days the



private views of heads of departments even in unconstitutional



states count for very little if they are opposed to public opinion;



and especially to the material interests of the whole nation; and



if they favour retrograde steps which endanger the whole



nationality。 The author of the report also feels this well enough



himself; when he states at page 98 that the Prussian Government has



sufficiently experienced; as the English Government has done in



connection with the abolition of the English corn laws; that the



views of public officials cannot everywhere be carried into effect;



that hence it might be necessary to consider whether German grain



and timber should not be admitted to the English markets even



without previous concessions on the part of the German Union;



because by that very means the way might be paved for the admission



of the English manufactured goods into the German market。 This view



is in any case a correct one。 Dr Bowring sees clearly that the



German industry would never have been strengthened but for those



laws; that consequently the abolition of the corn laws would not



only check the further advances of German industry; but must cause



it again to retrograde greatly; provided always that in that case



the German customs legislation remains unchanged。 It is only a pity



that the British did not perceive the soundness of this argument



twenty years ago; but now; after that the legislation of England



has itself undertaken the divorce of German agriculture from



English manufactures; after that Germany has pursued the path of



perfecting her industry for twenty years; and has made enormous



sacrifices for this object; it would betoken political blindness if



Germany were now; owing to the abolition of the English corn laws;



to abstain in any degree from pursuing her great national career。



Indeed; we are firmly convinced that in such a case it would be



necessary for Germany to increase her protective duties in the same



proportion in which the English manufactories would derive



advantage from the abolition of the corn laws as compared with



those of Germany。 Germany can for a long time follow no other



policy in respect to England than that of a less advanced



manufacturing nation which is striving with all her power to raise



herself to an equal position with the most advanced manufacturing



nation。 Every other policy or measure than that; involves the



imperilling of the German nationality。 If the English are in want



of foreign corn or timber; then they may get it in Germany or where



else they please。 Germany will not on that account any the less



protect the advances in industry which she has made up to this



time; or strive any the less to make future advances。 If the



British will have nothing to do with German grain and timber; so



much the better。 In that case the industry; the navigation; the



foreign trade of Germany will raise their heads so much the



quicker; the German internal means of transport will be so much the



sooner completed; the German nationality will so much the more



certainly rest on its natural foundation。 Perhaps Prussia may not



in this way so soon be able to sell the corn and timber of her



Baltic provinces at high prices as if the English markets were



suddenly opened to her。 But through the completion of the internal



means of transport; and through the internal demand for



agricultural produce created by the manufactories; the sales of



those provinces to the interior of Germany will increase fast



enough; and every benefit to these provinces which is founded on



the home demand for agricultural produce will be gained by them for



all future time。 They will never more have to oscillate as



heretofore between calamity and prosperity from one decade to



another。 But further; as a political power Prussia will gain a



hundred…fold more in concentrated strength in the interior of



Germany by this policy than the material values which she



sacrifices for th

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