concerning civil government-第24章
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private will; he degrades himself; and is but a single private
person without power and without will; the members owing no
obedience but to the public will of the society。
152。 The executive power placed anywhere but in a person that has
also a share in the legislative is visibly subordinate and accountable
to it; and may be at pleasure changed and displaced; so that it is not
the supreme executive power that is exempt from subordination; but the
supreme executive power vested in one; who having a share in the
legislative; has no distinct superior legislative to be subordinate
and accountable to; farther than he himself shall join and consent; so
that he is no more subordinate than he himself shall think fit;
which one may certainly conclude will be but very little。 Of other
ministerial and subordinate powers in a commonwealth we need not
speak; they being so multiplied with infinite variety in the different
customs and constitutions of distinct commonwealths; that it is
impossible to give a particular account of them all。 Only thus much
which is necessary to our present purpose we may take notice of
concerning them; that they have no manner of authority; any of them;
beyond what is by positive grant and commission delegated to them; and
are all of them accountable to some other power in the commonwealth。
153。 It is not necessary… no; nor so much as convenient… that the
legislative should be always in being; but absolutely necessary that
the executive power should; because there is not always need of new
laws to be made; but always need of execution of the laws that are
made。 When the legislative hath put the execution of the laws they
make into other hands; they have a power still to resume it out of
those hands when they find cause; and to punish for any
mal…administration against the laws。 The same holds also in regard
of the federative power; that and the executive being both ministerial
and subordinate to the legislative; which; as has been shown; in a
constituted commonwealth is the supreme; the legislative also in
this case being supposed to consist of several persons; for if it be a
single person it cannot but be always in being; and so will; as
supreme; naturally have the supreme executive power; together with the
legislative; may assemble and exercise their legislative at the
times that either their original constitution or their own adjournment
appoints; or when they please; if neither of these hath appointed
any time; or there be no other way prescribed to convoke them。 For the
supreme power being placed in them by the people; it is always in
them; and they may exercise it when they please; unless by their
original constitution they are limited to certain seasons; or by an
act of their supreme power they have adjourned to a certain time;
and when that time comes they have a right to assemble and act again。
154。 If the legislative; or any part of it; be of representatives;
chosen for that time by the people; which afterwards return into the
ordinary state of subjects; and have no share in the legislative but
upon a new choice; this power of choosing must also be exercised by
the people; either at certain appointed seasons; or else when they are
summoned to it; and; in this latter case; the power of convoking the
legislative is ordinarily placed in the executive; and has one of
these two limitations in respect of time:… that either the original
constitution requires their assembling and acting at certain
intervals; and then the executive power does nothing but ministerially
issue directions for their electing and assembling according to due
forms; or else it is left to his prudence to call them by new
elections when the occasions or exigencies of the public require the
amendment of old or making of new laws; or the redress or prevention
of any inconveniencies that lie on or threaten the people。
155。 It may be demanded here; what if the executive power; being
possessed of the force of the commonwealth; shall make use of that
force to hinder the meeting and acting of the legislative; when the
original constitution or the public exigencies require it? I say;
using force upon the people; without authority; and contrary to the
trust put in him that does so; is a state of war with the people;
who have a right to reinstate their legislative in the exercise of
their power。 For having erected a legislative with an intent they
should exercise the power of making laws; either at certain set times;
or when there is need of it; when they are hindered by any force
from what is so necessary to the society; and wherein the safety and
preservation of the people consists; the people have a right to remove
it by force。 In all states and conditions the true remedy of force
without authority is to oppose force to it。 The use of force without
authority always puts him that uses it into a state of war as the
aggressor; and renders him liable to be treated accordingly。
156。 The power of assembling and dismissing the legislative;
placed in the executive; gives not the executive a superiority over
it; but is a fiduciary trust placed in him for the safety of the
people in a case where the uncertainty and variableness of human
affairs could not bear a steady fixed rule。 For it not being
possible that the first framers of the government should by any
foresight be so much masters of future events as to be able to
prefix so just periods of return and duration to the assemblies of the
legislative; in all times to come; that might exactly answer all the
exigencies of the commonwealth; the best remedy could be found for
this defect was to trust this to the prudence of one who was always to
be present; and whose business it was to watch over the public good。
Constant; frequent meetings of the legislative; and long continuations
of their assemblies; without necessary occasion; could not but be
burdensome to the people; and must necessarily in time produce more
dangerous inconveniencies; and yet the quick turn of affairs might
be sometimes such as to need their present help; any delay of their
convening might endanger the public; and sometimes; too; their
business might be so great that the limited time of their sitting
might be too short for their work; and rob the public of that
benefit which could be had only from their mature deliberation。
What; then; could be done in this case to prevent the community from
being exposed some time or other to imminent hazard on one side or the
other; by fixed intervals and periods set to the meeting and acting of
the legislative; but to entrust it to the prudence of some who;
being present and acquainted with the state of public affairs; might
make use of this prerogative for the public good? And where else could
this be so well placed as in his hands who was entrusted with the
execution of the laws for the same end? Thus; supposing the regulation
of times for the assembling and sitting of the legislative not settled
by the original constitution; it naturally fell into the hands of
the executive; not as an arbitrary power depending on his good
pleasure; but with this trust always to have it exercised only for the
public weal; as the occurrences of times and change of affairs might
require。 Whether settled periods of their convening; or a liberty left
to the prince for convoking the legislative; or perhaps a mixture of
both; hath the least inconvenience attending it; it is not my business
here to inquire; but only to show that; though the executive power may
have the prerogative of convoking and dissolving such conventions of
the legislative; yet it is not thereby superior to it。
157。 Things of this world are in so constant a flux that nothing
remains long in the same state。 Thus people; riches; trade; power;
change their stations; flourishing mighty cities come to ruin; and
prove in time neglected desolate corners; whilst other unfrequented
places grow into populous countries filled with wealth and
inhabitants。 But things not always changing equally; and private
interest often