democracy in america-1-第62章

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vested　in　the　same　hands；　for　its　organs　are　far　from　numerous。　　The　influence　of　a　public　press　thus　constituted；　upon　a　sceptical　nation；　must　be　unbounded。　　It　is　an　enemy　with　which　a　Government　may　sign　an　occasional　truce；　but　which　it　is　difficult　to　resist　for　any　length　of　time。

Neither　of　these　kinds　of　centralization　exists　in　America。　　The　United　States　have　no　metropolis；　the　intelligence　as　well　as　the　power　of　the　country　are　dispersed　abroad；　and　instead　of　radiating　from　a　point；　they　cross　each　other　in　every　direction；　the　Americans　have　established　no　central　control　over　the　expression　of　opinion；　any　more　than　over　the　conduct　of　business。　　These　are　circumstances　which　do　not　depend　on　human　foresight；　but　it　is　owing　to　the　laws　of　the　Union　that　there　are　no　licenses　to　be　granted　to　printers；　no　securities　demanded　from　editors　as　in　France；　and　no　stamp　duty　as　in　France　and　formerly　in　England。　　The　consequence　of　this　is　that　nothing　is　easier　than　to　set　up　a　newspaper；　and　a　small　number　of　readers　suffices　to　defray　the　expenses　of　the　editor。

The　number　of　periodical　and　occasional　publications　which　appears　in　the　United　States　actually　surpasses　belief。　　The　most　enlightened　Americans　attribute　the　subordinate　influence　of　the　press　to　this　excessive　dissemination；　and　it　is　adopted　as　an　axiom　of　political　science　in　that　country　that　the　only　way　to　neutralize　the　effect　of　public　journals　is　to　multiply　them　indefinitely。　　I　cannot　conceive　that　a　truth　which　is　so　self…　evident　should　not　already　have　been　more　generally　admitted　in　Europe；　it　is　comprehensible　that　the　persons　who　hope　to　bring　about　revolutions　by　means　of　the　press　should　be　desirous　of　confining　its　action　to　a　few　powerful　organs；　but　it　is　perfectly　incredible　that　the　partisans　of　the　existing　state　of　things；　and　the　natural　supporters　of　the　law；　should　attempt　to　diminish　the　influence　of　the　press　by　concentrating　its　authority。　The　Governments　of　Europe　seem　to　treat　the　press　with　the　courtesy　of　the　knights　of　old；　they　are　anxious　to　furnish　it　with　the　same　central　power　which　they　have　found　to　be　so　trusty　a　weapon；　in　order　to　enhance　the　glory　of　their　resistance　to　its　attacks。　

In　America　there　is　scarcely　a　hamlet　which　has　not　its　own　newspaper。　It　may　readily　be　imagined　that　neither　discipline　nor　unity　of　design　can　be　communicated　to　so　multifarious　a　host；　and　each　one　is　consequently　led　to　fight　under　his　own　standard。　　All　the　political　journals　of　the　United　States　are　indeed　arrayed　on　the　side　of　the　administration　or　against　it；　but　they　attack　and　defend　in　a　thousand　different　ways。　　They　cannot　succeed　in　forming　those　great　currents　of　opinion　which　overwhelm　the　most　solid　obstacles。　　This　division　of　the　influence　of　the　press　produces　a　variety　of　other　consequences　which　are　scarcely　less　remarkable。　　The　facility　with　which　journals　can　be　established　induces　a　multitude　of　individuals　to　take　a　part　in　them；　but　as　the　extent　of　competition　precludes　the　possibility　of　considerable　profit；　the　most　distinguished　classes　of　society　are　rarely　led　to　engage　in　these　undertakings。　　But　such　is　the　number　of　the　public　prints　that；　even　if　they　were　a　source　of　wealth；　writers　of　ability　could　not　be　found　to　direct　them　all。　　The　journalists　of　the　United　States　are　usually　placed　in　a　very　humble　position；　with　a　scanty　education　and　a　vulgar　turn　of　mind。　　The　will　of　the　majority　is　the　most　general　of　laws；　and　it　establishes　certain　habits　which　form　the　characteristics　of　each　peculiar　class　of　society；　thus　it　dictates　the　etiquette　practised　at　courts　and　the　etiquette　of　the　bar。　　The　characteristics　of　the　French　journalist　consist　in　a　violent；　but　frequently　an　eloquent　and　lofty；　manner　of　discussing　the　politics　of　the　day；　and　the　exceptions　to　this　habitual　practice　are　only　occasional。　　The　characteristics　of　the　American　journalist　consist　in　an　open　and　coarse　appeal　to　the　passions　of　the　populace；　and　he　habitually　abandons　the　principles　of　political　science　to　assail　the　characters　of　individuals；　to　track　them　into　private　life；　and　disclose　all　their　weaknesses　and　errors。

Nothing　can　be　more　deplorable　than　this　abuse　of　the　powers　of　thought；　I　shall　have　occasion　to　point　out　hereafter　the　influence　of　the　newspapers　upon　the　taste　and　the　morality　of　the　American　people；　but　my　present　subject　exclusively　concerns　the　political　world。　　It　cannot　be　denied　that　the　effects　of　this　extreme　license　of　the　press　tend　indirectly　to　the　maintenance　of　public　order。　　The　individuals　who　are　already　in　the　possession　of　a　high　station　in　the　esteem　of　their　fellow…citizens　are　afraid　to　write　in　the　newspapers；　and　they　are　thus　deprived　of　the　most　powerful　instrument　which　they　can　use　to　excite　the　passions　of　the　multitude　to　their　own　advantage。　*a

＇Footnote　a：　They　only　write　in　the　papers　when　they　choose　to　address　the　people　in　their　own　name；　as；　for　instance；　when　they　are　called　upon　to　repel　calumnious　imputations；　and　to　correct　a　misstatement　of　facts。＇

The　personal　opinions　of　the　editors　have　no　kind　of　weight　in　the　eyes　of　the　public：　the　only　use　of　a　journal　is；　that　it　imparts　the　knowledge　of　certain　facts；　and　it　is　only　by　altering　or　distorting　those　facts　that　a　journalist　can　contribute　to　the　support　of　his　own　views。

But　although　the　press　is　limited　to　these　resources；　its　influence　in　America　is　immense。　　It　is　the　power　which　impels　the　circulation　of　political　life　through　all　the　districts　of　that　vast　territory。　　Its　eye　is　constantly　open　to　detect　the　secret　springs　of　political　designs；　and　to　summon　the　leaders　of　all　parties　to　the　bar　of　public　opinion。　　It　rallies　the　interests　of　the　community　round　certain　principles；　and　it　draws　up　the　creed　which　factions　adopt；　for　it　affords　a　means　of　intercourse　between　parties　which　hear；　and　which　address　each　other　without　ever　having　been　in　immediate　contact。　　When　a　great　number　of　the　organs　of　the　press　adopt　the　same　line　of　conduct；　their　influence　becomes　irresistible；　and　public　opinion；　when　it　is　perpetually　assailed　from　the　same　side；　eventually　yields　to　the　attack。　In　the　United　States　each　separate　journal　exercises　but　little　authority；　but　the　power　of　the　periodical　press　is　only　second　to　that　of　the　people。　*b

＇Footnote　b：　See　Appendix；　P。＇

The　opinions　established　in　the　United　States　under　the　empire　of　the　liberty　of　the　press　are　frequently　more　firmly　rooted　than　those　which　are　formed　elsewhere　under　the　sanction　of　a　censor。

In　the　United　States　the　democracy　perpetually　raises　fresh　individuals　to　the　conduct　of　public　affairs；　and　the　measures　of　the　administration　are　consequently　seldom　regulated　by　the　strict　rules　of　consistency　or　of　order。　But　the　general　principles　of　the　Government　are　more　stable；　and　the　opinions　most　prevalent　in　society　are　generally　more　durable　than　in　many　other　countries。　　When　once　the　Americans　have　taken　up　an　idea；　whether　it　be　well　or　ill　founded；　nothing　is　more　difficult　than　to　eradicate　it　from　their　minds。　　The　same　tenacity　of　opinion　has　been　observed　in　England；　where；　for　the　last　century；　greater　freedom　of　conscience　and　more　invincible　prejudices　have　existed　than　in　all　the　other　countries　of　Europe。　I　attribute　this　consequence　to　a　cause　which　may　at　first　sight　appear　to　have　a　very　opposite　tendency；　namely；　to　the　liberty　of　the　press。　　The　nations　amongst　which　this　liberty　exists　are　as　apt　to　cling　to　their　opinions　from　pride　as　from　conviction。　　They　cherish　them　because　they　hold　them　to　be　just；　and　because　they　exercised　their　own　free…will　in　choosing　them；　and　they　maintain　them　not　only　because　they　are　true；　but　because　they　are　their　own。　　Several　other　reasons　conduce　to　the　same　end。

It　was　remarked　by　a　man　of　genius　that　〃ignorance　lies　at　the　two　ends　of　knowledge。〃　Perhaps　it　would　have　been　more　correct　to　have　said；　that　absolute　convictions　are　to　be　met　with　at　the　two　extremities；　and　that　doubt　lies　in　the　middle；　for　the　human　intellect　may　be　considered　in　three　distinct　states；　which　frequently　succeed　one　another。　　A　man　believes　imp