the new machiavelli-第87章

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their　protection　and　the　good　of　the　race；　and　not　for　men's　

satisfactions。　　I　want　to　see　them　bearing　and　rearing　good　children　

in　the　State　as　a　generously　rewarded　public　duty　and　service；　

choosing　their　husbands　freely　and　discerningly；　and　in　no　way　

enslaved　by　or　subordinated　to　the　men　they　have　chosen。　　The　social　

consciousness　of　women　seems　to　me　an　unworked；　an　almost　untouched　

mine　of　wealth　for　the　constructive　purpose　of　the　world。　　I　want　to　

change　the　respective　values　of　the　family　group　altogether；　and　

make　the　home　indeed　the　women's　kingdom　and　the　mother　the　owner　

and　responsible　guardian　of　her　children。



It　is　no　use　pretending　that　this　is　not　novel　and　revolutionary；　it　

is。　　The　Endowment　of　Motherhood　implies　a　new　method　of　social　

organization；　a　rearrangement　of　the　social　unit；　untried　in　human　

expericnceas　untried　as　electric　traction　was　or　flying　in　1800。　　

Of　course；　it　may　work　out　to　modify　men's　ideas　of　marriage　

profoundly。　　To　me　that　is　a　secondary　consideration。　　I　do　not　

believe　that　particular　assertion　myself；　because　I　am　convinced　

that　a　practical　monogamy　is　a　psychological　necessity　to　the　mass　

of　civilised　people。　　But　even　if　I　did　believe　it　I　should　still　

keep　to　my　present　line；　because　it　is　the　only　line　that　will　

prevent　a　highly　organised　civilisation　from　ending　in　biological　

decay。　　The　public　Endowment　of　Motherhood　is　the　only　possible　way　

which　will　ensure　the　permanently　developing　civilised　state　at　

which　all　constructive　minds　are　aiming。　　A　point　is　reached　in　the　

life…history　of　a　civilisation　when　either　this　reconstruction　must　

be　effected　or　the　quality　and　MORALE　of　the　population　prove　

insufficient　for　the　needs　of　the　developing　organisation。　　It　is　

not　so　much　moral　decadence　that　will　destroy　us　as　moral　

inadaptability。　　The　old　code　fails　under　the　new　needs。　　The　only　

alternative　to　this　profound　reconstruction　is　a　decay　in　human　

quality　and　social　collapse。　　Either　this　unprecedented　

rearrangement　must　be　achieved　by　our　civilisation；　or　it　must　

presently　come　upon　a　phase　of　disorder　and　crumble　and　perish；　as　

Rome　perished；　as　France　declines；　as　the　strain　of　the　Pilgrim　

Fathers　dwindles　out　of　America。　　Whatever　hope　there　may　be　in　the　

attempt　therefore；　there　is　no　alternative　to　the　attempt。







6





I　wanted　political　success　now　dearly　enough；　but　not　at　the　price　

of　constructive　realities。　　These　questions　were　no　doubt　

monstrously　dangerous　in　the　political　world；　there　wasn't　a　

politician　alive　who　didn't　look　scared　at　the　mention　of　〃The　

Family；〃　but　if　raising　these　issues　were　essential　to　the　social　

reconstructions　on　which　my　life　was　set；　that　did　not　matter。　　It　

only　implied　that　I　should　take　them　up　with　deliberate　caution。　　

There　was　no　release　because　of　risk　or　difficulty。



The　question　of　whether　I　should　commit　myself　to　some　open　project　

in　this　direction　was　going　on　in　my　mind　concurrently　with　my　

speculations　about　a　change　of　party；　like　bass　and　treble　in　a　

complex　piece　of　music。　　The　two　drew　to　a　conclusion　together。　　I　

would　not　only　go　over　to　Imperialism；　but　I　would　attempt　to　

biologise　Imperialism。



I　thought　at　first　that　I　was　undertaking　a　monstrous　uphill　task。　　

But　as　I　came　to　look　into　the　possibilities　of　the　matter；　a　strong　

persuasion　grew　up　in　my　mind　that　this　panic　fear　of　legislative　

proposals　affecting　the　family　basis　was　excessive；　that　things　were　

much　riper　for　development　in　this　direction　than　old…experienced　

people　out　of　touch　with　the　younger　generation　imagined；　that　to　

phrase　the　thing　in　a　parliamentary　fashion；　〃something　might　be　

done　in　the　constituencies〃　with　the　Endowment　of　Motherhood　

forthwith；　provided　only　that　it　was　made　perfectly　clear　that　

anything　a　sane　person　could　possibly　intend　by　〃morality〃　was　left　

untouched　by　these　proposals。



I　went　to　work　very　carefully。　　I　got　Roper　of　the　DAILY　TELEPHONE　

and　Burkett　of　the　DIAL　to　try　over　a　silly…season　discussion　of　

State　Help　for　Mothers；　and　I　put　a　series　of　articles　on　eugenics；　

upon　the　fall　in　the　birth…rate；　and　similar　topics　in　the　BLUE　

WEEKLY；　leading　up　to　a　tentative　and　generalised　advocacy　of　the　

public　endowment　of　the　nation's　children。　　I　was　more　and　more　

struck　by　the　acceptance　won　by　a　sober　and　restrained　presentation　

of　this　suggestion。



And　then；　in　the　fourth　year　of　the　BLUE　WEEKLY'S　career；　came　the　

Handitch　election；　and　I　was　forced　by　the　clamour　of　my　antagonist；　

and　very　willingly　forced；　to　put　my　convictions　to　the　test。　　I　

returned　triumphantly　to　Westminster　with　the　Public　Endowment　of　

Motherhood　as　part　of　my　open　profession　and　with　the　full　approval　

of　the　party　press。　　Applauding　benches　of　Imperialists　cheered　me　

on　my　way　to　the　table　between　the　whips。



That　second　time　I　took　the　oath　I　was　not　one　of　a　crowd　of　new　

members；　but　salient；　an　event；　a　symbol　of　profound　changes　and　new　

purposes　in　the　national　life。



Here　it　is　my　political　book　comes　to　an　end；　and　in　a　sense　my　book　

ends　altogether。　　For　the　rest　is　but　to　tell　how　I　was　swept　out　of　

this　great　world　of　political　possibilities。　　I　close　this　Third　

Book　as　I　opened　it；　with　an　admission　of　difficulties　and　

complexities；　but　now　with　a　pile　of　manuscript　before　me　I　have　to　

confess　them　unsurmounted　and　still　entangled。



Yet　my　aim　was　a　final　simplicity。　　I　have　sought　to　show　my　growing　

realisation　that　the　essential　quality　of　all　political　and　social　

effort　is　the　development　of　a　great　race　mind　behind　the　interplay　

of　individual　lives。　　That　is　the　collective　human　reality；　the　

basis　of　morality；　the　purpose　of　devotion。　　To　that　our　lives　must　

be　given；　from　that　will　come　the　perpetual　fresh　release　and　

further　ennoblement　of　individual　lives。　。　。　。



I　have　wanted　to　make　that　idea　of　a　collective　mind　play　in　this　

book　the　part　United　Italy　plays　in　Machiavelli's　PRINCE。　　I　have　

called　it　the　hinterland　of　reality；　shown　it　accumulating　a　

dominating　truth　and　rightness　which　must　force　men's　now　sporadic　

motives　more　and　more　into　a　disciplined　and　understanding　relation　

to　a　plan。　　And　I　have　tried　to　indicate　how　I　sought　to　serve　this　

great　clarification　of　our　confusions。　。　。　。



Now　I　come　back　to　personality　and　the　story　of　my　self…betrayal；　

and　how　it　is　I　have　had　to　leave　all　that　far…reaching　scheme　of　

mine；　a　mere　project　and　beginning　for　other　men　to　take　or　leave　as　

it　pleases　them。







BOOK　THE　FOURTH



ISABEL







CHAPTER　THE　FIRST



LOVE　AND　SUCCESS







1





I　come　to　the　most　evasive　and　difficult　part　of　my　story；　which　is　

to　tell　how　Isabel　and　I　have　made　a　common　wreck　of　our　joint　

lives。



It　is　not　the　telling　of　one　simple　disastrous　accident。　　There　was　

a　vein　in　our　natures　that　led　to　this　collapse；　gradually　and　at　

this　point　and　that　it　crept　to　the　surface。　　One　may　indeed　see　our　

destructionfor　indeed　politically　we　could　not　be　more　extinct　if　

we　had　been　shot　deadin　the　form　of　a　catastrophe　as　disconnected　

and　conclusive　as　a　meteoric　stone　falling　out　of　heaven　upon　two　

friends　and　crushing　them　both。　　But　I　do　not　think　that　is　true　to　

our　situation　or　ourselves。　　We　were　not　taken　by　surprise。　　The　

thing　was　in　us　and　not　from　without；　it　was　akin　to　our　way　of　

thinking　and　our　habitual　attitudes；　it　had；　for　all　its　impulsive　

effect；　a　certain　necessity。　　We　might　have　escaped　no　doubt；　as　two　

men　at　a　hundred　yards　may　shoot　at　each　other　with　pistols　for　a　

considerable　time　and　escape。　　But　it　isn't　particularly　reasonable　

to　talk　of　the　contrariety　of　fate　if　they　both　get　hit。



Isabel　and　I　were　dangerous　to　each　other　for　several　years　of　

friendship；　and　not　quite　unwittingly　so。



In　writing　this；　mor