lecture vi-第7章

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By　not　adopting　on　this　point　the　views　entertained　by　the　press；
the　reformers；　as　you　easily　see；　did　a　great　social　injustice。
　　　　It　was　the　press　also　which　first　agitated　the　question　of
the　desirability　of　the　direct　interference　of　the　Government；　in
order　to　facilitate　the　expropriation　of　the　nobleman　in　favour
of　the　peasants。　The　head　of　the　central　committee；　Rostovzov；　as
we　have　already　seen；　thought　the　financial　difficulties　of　such
a　measure　insurmountable。　Such　was　not　the　opinion　of　the　press；
which　predicted　that　the　issue　of　〃rentes；〃　or　Government　bonds；
securing　to　the　landlord　a　certain　percentage　on　the　capital
which　he　should　cede　to　the　peasant　in　the　form　of　land；　would
not　lower　the　value　of　the　paper　money　already　in　circulation。　It
was　fortunate　that　in　the　end　this　method　was　adopted；　for　the
prophecy　was　not　only　realised；　but　the　interests　of　agriculture；
and　consequently　of　the　country　generally；　were　considerably
advanced　by　the　capital　paid　in　the　form　of　these　bonds　to　the
expropriated　landlords。　More　than　one　great　landowner　was　deeply
in　debt　at　the　time　emancipation　took　place；　very　few　had　the
capital　needed　for　the　economic　arrangements　required　for　the
substitution　of　the　paid　work　of　the　free　peasant　for　the　unpaid
work　of　the　serf。　They　obtained　it　by　selling　or　mortgaging　the
〃rentes〃　or　bonds　paid　to　them　by　the　Government。
　　　　We　therefore　find　that　on　all　points　the　press　was　the　guide；
the　authoritative　adviser；　the　sure　ally　of　the　Government。　This
last　character　plainly　appeared　in　the　struggle　which　the　central
committee　had　to　maintain　with　the　delegates　of　the　provincial
Committees。　These　bodies　were　composed　exclusively　of　members　of
the　local　nobility；　and　were　empowered　to　present　their　opinions
on　the　impending　reform。　Unconscious　of　the　alteration　which　had
taken　place　in　the　intentions　of　the　Government；　they　expressed
ideas　in　complete　accord　with　those　at　first　entertained　by　the
Emperor。　The　majority　in　each　committee；　seeing　that　it　was
impossible　under　present　circumstances　to　maintain　their　old
rights　over　the　person　of　the　serf；　consented　to　recognise　his
freedom；　and　that　without　pay。　They　were　anxious　about　one　thing
alone　　to　retain　as　far　as　possible　in　their　own　hands　the　land
actually　possessed　by　the　peasant。　This　feeling　was　the　stronger
where　the　soil　was　rich；　as　was　the　case　in　the　Central　and
Southern　Governments；　where　the　black　soil　prevails。　It　was　less
so　in　the　west　and　north；　where　the　ground　yielded　but　a　small
rent。　We　find　a　complete　unanimity　between　the　utterances　of　the
central　and　southern　nobles；　both　insisting　on　the　necessity　of
limiting　the　expropriation　of　the　land　in　favour　of　the　peasants
to　that　occupied　by　their　homesteads；　whilst　in　the　north　more
than　one　committee　consented　to　extend　this　to　the　arable　land
and　the　undivided　common。
　　　　The　provincial　committees　were　almost　unanimous　（I　speak　of
course　only　of　the　majority　of　their　members）　in　their　request
that　the　individual　shares　of　each　peasant　household　should　be
readjusted　according　to　a　certain　maximum　and　minimum　fixed　for
each　province。　Many　a　committee　insisted　on　the　maintenance　of
feudal　police；　if　not　of　feudal　justice；　and　all　showed　an　equal
interest　in　the　suppression　of　the　uncontrolled　power　of　the
bureaucracy　in　matters　of　provincial　administration。
　　　　The　minorities　of　almost　every　committee；　who　were　more　or
less　influenced　by　the　press；　approached　much　more　nearly　in
their　request　to　the　views　entertained　by　the　majority　in　the
central　committee。　They　gave　their　consent　to　the　plan　of
expropriating　in　favour　of　the　peasants　a　part　of　the　noblemen's
lands；　they　insisted　on　the　participation　of　the　Government　in
the　act　of　redeeming　the　area　formerly　allotted　by　the　landlords
to　the　serfs　of　their　respective　manors；　they　strongly　opposed
the　scheme　of　a　transitory　state　in　which　the　peasant；　unable　to
buy　back　the　land　he　owned；　was　condemned　to　continue　his　villein
service　and　his　feudal　dues　or　payments　in　kind。　At　the　same　time
they　put　forward　certain　general　demands　which　went　much　beyond
the　promises　already　given　by　the　Government。　They　made　requests
for　a　general　change　in　the　existing　system　of　provincial
administration。　According　to　these　bureaucracy　should　give　place
to　a　system　of　local　self…government。　They　insisted　on　the
necessity　of　amending　the　deficient　judicial　organisation。　They
demanded　trial　by　jury　and　liberty　of　the　press。　Some　of　the
members　went　even　so　far　as　to　draw　up　a　resolution　in　favour　of
the　general　representation　of　the　people　and　the　revival　of　the
ancient　system　of　National　Councils；　the　Sobors。
　　　　We　must　not　lose　sight　of　these　political　requirements　if　we
wish　to　understand　why　it　was　that　the　Government；　as　soon　as　the
deputies　both　of　the　majority　and　the　minority　of　provincial
committees　were　assembled　in　Petersburg；　hindered　their　general
meetings。　It　was　but　separately　that　each　of　the　delegates　was
admitted　to　put　forward　his　requests；　and　to　give　oral　advice　to
the　members　of　the　general　committee。　This　mistrust　on　the　part
of　the　Government　embittered　more　than　one　of　the　delegates
against　the　members　of　the　central　committee；　and　threw　them　into
the　arms　of　that　minority　which；　in　the　central　committee　itself；
defended　the　interests　of　the　nobility。　It　was　chiefly　composed
of　the　〃Marshal〃　of　the　Petersburg　nobility；　Count　Peter
Schouvalov；　Mr　Aprakasin；　who　occupied　the　same　post　in　the
Government　of　Orel；　and　Mr　Posen；　the　delegate　of　Pultawa。　These
three　gentlemen　insisted　on　the　desirability　of　keeping　the　land
in　the　hands　of　the　nobility；　and　of　granting　to　the　peasantry
only　a　sort　of　soccage…tenure；　or　〃censive；〃　on　the　land　they
occupied。　Whilst　the　majority　of　the　committee　insisted　on　the
direct　interference　of　the　Government　in　the　redemption　of　the
noblemen's　land；　and　the　propriety　of　putting　an　end　to
villein…service；　at　any　rate　after　a　period　of　twelve　years；
these　gentlemen　were　in　favour　of　leaving　to　a　free　contract；
entered　into　by　the　manorial　lord　and　his　former　serfs；　the
difficult　task　of　settling　their　future　relations。　It　was　in　the
house　of　Schouvalov　that　the　discontented　delegates　regularly
assembled；　it　was　there　that　they　drew　up　this　protest　against
the　action　of　the　central　committee　and　the　so…called
〃encroachments　of　the　bureaucracy。〃　Their　appeal；　made　in　the
form　of　a　pamphlet；　published　in　Leipsig；　and　addressed　to　the
new　delegates　summoned　to　Petersburg　from　the　provinces　not
hitherto　represented；　found　a　ready　hearing；　and　the　Government
encountered　in　these　new　helpers　even　a　larger　amount　of　mistrust
and　ill…will　than　that　already　shown　by　their　predecessors。
　　　　This　time　the　opposition　of　the　nobility　was　of　much　greater
consequence。　General　Rostovzov；　whose　influence　over　the　Czar　was
very　great；　died　suddenly；　before　the　completion　of　the　work
entrusted　to　his　care；　and　Count　Panin；　an　avowed　foe　to　the
action　of　the　committee；　became　its　President。　He　did　his　best　to
induce　the　members　to　abandon　their　former　decision；　and　it　is
only　to　the　firmness　of　character　shown　by　men　like　Nicholas
Milutine；　that　we　are　indebted　for　the　strict　maintenance　of　the
general　outlines　of　the　form　already　elaborated。　Finding　himself
powerless　to　change　the　decisions　of　the　committee；　Panin　tried
to　arouse　some　opposition　to　the　scheme　published　by　it；　among
the　ranks　of　that　general　committee　of　which　the　committee　for
the　elaboration　of　the　law　of　emancipation　was　but　a　section。　He
tried　to　achieve　the　same　ends　in　the　Council　of　State；　where　the
scheme　of　the　new　law　had　finally　to　be　discussed。　Happily　the
time　allowed　for　the　debates　was　very　limited；　as　the　Government
insisted　on　the　immediate　realisation　of　the　long…promised
〃liberty。〃　They　lasted　in　the　general　committee　but　a　few　months；
while　in　the　Council　of　State　they　were　limited　to　a　fortnight。
It　is　due　to　this　fact　that　neither　of　the　two　boards　introduced
very　extensive　amendments　in　the　emancipation　law。　Those　they　did
make　were　all　in　favour　of　the　nobility。　The　most　mischievous
c