common sense-第12章

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for　themselves。　　First；　they　had　a　king；　and　then　a　form　of　government；

whereas；　the　articles　or　charter　of　government；　should　be　formed　first；

and　men　delegated　to　execute　them　afterward　but　from　the　errors　of　other

nations；　let　us　learn　wisdom；　and　lay　hold　of　the　present　opportunity

TO　BEGIN　GOVERNMENT　AT　THE　RIGHT　END。



When　William　the　Conqueror　subdued　England；　he　gave　them　law　at　the

point　of　the　sword；　and　until　we　consent；　that　the　seat　of　government；

in　America；　be　legally　and　authoritatively　occupied；　we　shall　be　in

danger　of　having　it　filled　by　some　fortunate　ruffian；　who　may　treat　us

in　the　same　manner；　and　then；　where　will　be　our　freedom？　where　our　property？

As　to　religion；　I　hold　it　to　be　the　indispensable　duty　of　all　government；

to　protect　all　conscientious　professors　thereof；　and　I　know　of　no　other

business　which　government　hath　to　do　therewith；　Let　a　man　throw　aside

that　narrowness　of　soul；　that　selfishness　of　principle；　which　the　niggards

of　all　professions　are　willing　to　part　with；　and　he　will　be　at　delivered

of　his　fears　on　that　head。　　Suspicion　is　the　companion　of　mean　souls；

and　the　bane　of　all　good　society。　　For　myself；　I　fully　and　conscientiously

believe；　that　it　is　the　will　of　the　Almighty；　that　there　should　be　diversity

of　religious　opinions　among　us：　It　affords　a　larger　field　for　our　Christian

kindness。　　Were　we　all　of　one　way　of　thinking；　our　religious　dispositions

would　want　matter　for　probation；　and　on　this　liberal　principle；　I　look

on　the　various　denominations　among　us；　to　be　like　children　of　the　same　family；

differing　only；　in　what　is　called；　their　Christian　names。



In　page　forty；　I　threw　out　a　few　thoughts　on　the　propriety　of　a

Continental　Charter；　（for　I　only　presume　to　offer　hints；　not　plans）

and　in　this　place；　I　take　the　liberty　of　rementioning　the　subject；

by　observing；　that　a　charter　is　to　be　understood　as　a　bond

of　solemn　obligation；　which　the　whole　enters　into；

to　support　the　right　of　every　separate　part；

whether　of　religion；　personal　freedom；　or　property。

A　firm　bargain　and　a　right　reckoning　make　long　friends。



In　a　former　page　I　likewise　mentioned　the　necessity　of　a　large

and　equal　representation；　and　there　is　no　political　matter

which　more　deserves　our　attention。　　A　small　number　of　electors；

or　a　small　number　of　representatives；　are　equally　dangerous。

But　if　the　number　of　the　representatives　be　not　only　small；

but　unequal；　the　danger　is　increased。　　As　an　instance　of　this；

I　mention　the　following；　when　the　Associators　petition　was　before

the　House　of　Assembly　of　Pennsylvania；　twenty…eight　members　only　were　present；

all　the　Bucks　county　members；　being　eight；　voted　against　it；

and　had　seven　of　the　Chester　members　done　the　same；　this　whole　province　had

been　governed　by　two　counties　only；　and　this　danger　it　is　always　exposed　to。

The　unwarrantable　stretch　likewise；　which　that　house　made

in　their　last　sitting；　to　gain　an　undue　authority　over　the　delegates

of　that　province；　ought　to　warn　the　people　at　large；　how　they　trust　power

out　of　their　own　hands。　　A　set　of　instructions　for　the　Delegates

were　put　together；　which　in　point　of　sense　and　business　would　have

dishonoured　a　schoolboy；　and　after　being　approved　by　a　FEW；　a　VERY　FEW

without　doors；　were　carried　into　the　House；　and　there　passed

IN　BEHALF　OF　THE　WHOLE　COLONY；　whereas；　did　the　whole　colony　know；

with　what　ill…will　that　House　hath　entered　on　some　necessary　public　measures；

they　would　not　hesitate　a　moment　to　think　them　unworthy　of　such　a　trust。



Immediate　necessity　makes　many　things　convenient；　which　if　continued

would　grow　into　oppressions。　　Expedience　and　right　are　different　things。

When　the　calamities　of　America　required　a　consultation；　there　was　no

method　so　ready；　or　at　that　time　so　proper；　as　to　appoint　persons　from

the　several　Houses　of　Assembly　for　that　purpose；　and　the　wisdom　with

which　they　have　proceeded　hath　preserved　this　continent　from　ruin。

But　as　it　is　more　than　probable　that　we　shall　never　be　without　a

CONGRESS；　every　well　wisher　to　good　order；　must　own；　that　the　mode

for　choosing　members　of　that　body；　deserves　consideration。　　And　I　put　it

as　a　question　to　those；　who　make　a　study　of　mankind；　whether　representation

and　election　is　not　too　great　a　power　for　one　and　the　same　body　of　men

to　possess？　　When　we　are　planning　for　posterity；　we　ought　to　remember；

that　virtue　is　not　hereditary。



It　is　from　our　enemies　that　we　often　gain　excellent　maxims；　and　are

frequently　surprised　into　reason　by　their　mistakes；　Mr。　Cornwall

（one　of　the　Lords　of　the　Treasury）　treated　the　petition　of　the　New…York

Assembly　with　contempt；　because　THAT　House；　he　said；　consisted　but

of　twenty…six　members；　which　trifling　number；　he　argued；　could　not

with　decency　be　put　for　the　whole。　　We　thank　him　for　his　involuntary　honesty。

＇Those　who　would　fully　understand　of　what　great　consequence　a　large　and　equal

representation　is　to　a　state；　should　read　Burgh's　political　disquisitions。＇





TO　CONCLUDE；　however　strange　it　may　appear　to　some；　or　however　unwilling

they　may　be　to　think　so；　matters　not；　but　many　strong　and　striking　reasons

may　be　given；　to　shew；　that　nothing　can　settle　our　affairs　so　expeditiously

as　an　open　and　determined　declaration　for　independance。　Some　of　which　are；



FIRST。　　It　is　the　custom　of　nations；　when　any　two　are　at　war；

for　some　other　powers；　not　engaged　in　the　quarrel；　to　step　in　as　mediators；

and　bring　about　the　preliminaries　of　a　peace：　hut　while　America　calls

herself　the　Subject　of　Great　Britain；　no　power；　however　well　disposed

she　may　be；　can　offer　her　mediation。　　Wherefore；　in　our　present　state

we　may　quarrel　on　for　ever。



SECONDLY。　　It　is　unreasonable　to　suppose；　that　France　or　Spain　will

give　us　any　kind　of　assistance；　if　we　mean　only；　to　make　use　of　that

assistance　for　the　purpose　of　repairing　the　breach；　and　strengthening

the　connection　between　Britain　and　America；　because；　those　powers　would

be　sufferers　by　the　consequences。



THIRDLY。　　While　we　profess　ourselves　the　subjects　of　Britain；　we　must；

in　the　eye　of　foreign　nations。　　be　considered　as　rebels。　　The　precedent

is　somewhat　dangerous　to　THEIR　PEACE；　for　men　to　be　in　arms　under　the　name

of　subjects；　we；　on　the　spot；　can　solve　the　paradox：　but　to　unite　resistance

and　subjection；　requires　an　idea　much　too　refined　for　common　understanding。



FOURTHLY。　　Were　a　manifesto　to　be　published；　and　despatched

to　foreign　courts；　setting　forth　the　miseries　we　have　endured；

and　the　peaceable　methods　we　have　ineffectually　used　for　redress；

declaring；　at　the　same　time；　that　not　being　able；　any　longer；

to　live　happily　or　safely　under　the　cruel　disposition　of　the　British　court；

we　had　been　driven　to　the　necessity　of　breaking　off　all　connections　with　her；

at　the　same　time；　assuring　all　such　courts　of　our　peaceable　disposition

towards　them；　and　of　our　desire　of　entering　into　trade　with　them：

Such　a　memorial　would　produce　more　good　effects　to　this　Continent；

than　if　a　ship　were　freighted　with　petitions　to　Britain。



Under　our　present　denomination　of　British　subjects；　we　can　neither

be　received　nor　heard　abroad：　The　custom　of　all　courts　is　against　us；

and　will　be　so；　until；　by　an　independance；　we　take　rank　with　other　nations。



These　proceedings　may　at　first　appear　strange　and　difficult；　but；

like　all　other　steps　which　we　have　already　passed　over；　will　in　a　little　time

become　familiar　and　agreeable；　and；　until　an　independance　is　declared；

the　Continent　will　feel　itself　like　a　man　who　continues　putting　off　some

unpleasant　business　from　day　to　day；　yet　knows　it　must　be　done；　hates　to

set　about　it；　wishes　it　over；　and　is　continually　haunted　with

the　thoughts　of　its　necessity。









　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　APPENDIX







Since　the　publication　of　the　first　edition　of　this　pamphlet；

or　rather；　on　the　same　day　on　which　it　came　out；　the　King's　Speech

made　its　appearance　in　this　city。　　Had　the　spirit　of　prophecy　d