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ury　to　redress；　had　it　been　managed　by　a　less　able　hand。　　It　is　certainly　the　happiest；　and　most　unenvied　part　of　all　your　fortune；　to　do　good　to　many；　while　you　do　injury　to　none；　to　receive　at　once　the　prayers　of　the　subject；　and　the　praises　of　the　prince；　and；　by　the　care　of　your　conduct；　to　give　him　means　of　exerting　the　chiefest　（if　any　be　the　chiefest）　of　his　royal　virtues；　his　distributive　justice　to　the　deserving；　and　his　bounty　and　compassion　to　the　wanting。　　The　disposition　of　princes　towards　their　people　cannot　be　better　discovered　than　in　the　choice　of　their　ministers；　who；　like　the　animal　spirits　betwixt　the　soul　and　body；　participate　somewhat　of　both　natures；　and　make　the　communication　which　is　betwixt　them。　　A　king；　who　is　just　and　moderate　in　his　nature；　who　rules　according　to　the　laws；　whom　God　has　made　happy　by　forming　the　temper　of　his　soul　to　the　constitution　of　his　government；　and　who　makes　us　happy；　by　assuming　over　us　no　other　sovereignty　than　that　wherein　our　welfare　and　liberty　consists；　a　prince；　I　say；　of　so　excellent　a　character；　and　so　suitable　to　the　wishes　of　all　good　men；　could　not　better　have　conveyed　himself　into　his　people's　apprehensions；　than　in　your　lordship's　person；　who　so　lively　express　the　same　virtues；　that　you　seem　not　so　much　a　copy；　as　an　emanation　of　him。　　Moderation　is　doubtless　an　establishment　of　greatness；　but　there　is　a　steadiness　of　temper　which　is　likewise　requisite　in　a　minister　of　state；　so　equal　a　mixture　of　both　virtues；　that　he　may　stand　like　an　isthmus　betwixt　the　two　encroaching　seas　of　arbitrary　power；　and　lawless　anarchy。　　The　undertaking　would　be　difficult　to　any　but　an　extraordinary　genius；　to　stand　at　the　line；　and　to　divide　the　limits；　to　pay　what　is　due　to　the　great　representative　of　the　nation；　and　neither　to　enhance；　nor　to　yield　up；　the　undoubted　prerogatives　of　the　crown。　　These；　my　lord；　are　the　proper　virtues　of　a　noble　Englishman；　as　indeed　they　are　properly　English　virtues；　no　people　in　the　world　being　capable　of　using　them；　but　we　who　have　the　happiness　to　be　born　under　so　equal；　and　so　well…poised　a　government；a　government　which　has　all　the　advantages　of　liberty　beyond　a　commonwealth；　and　all　the　marks　of　kingly　sovereignty；　without　the　danger　of　a　tyranny。　　Both　my　nature；　as　I　am　an　Englishman；　and　my　reason；　as　I　am　a　man；　have　bred　in　me　a　loathing　to　that　specious　name　of　a　republic；　that　mock　appearance　of　a　liberty；　where　all　who　have　not　part　in　the　government；　are　slaves；　and　slaves　they　are　of　a　viler　note；　than　such　as　are　subjects　to　an　absolute　dominion。　　For　no　Christian　monarchy　is　so　absolute；　but　it　is　circumscribed　with　laws；　but　when　the　executive　power　is　in　the　law…makers；　there　is　no　further　check　upon　them；　and　the　people　must　suffer　without　a　remedy；　because　they　are　oppressed　by　their　representatives。　　If　I　must　serve；　the　number　of　my　masters；　who　were　born　my　equals；　would　but　add　to　the　ignominy　of　my　bondage。　The　nature　of　our　government；　above　all　others；　is　exactly　suited　both　to　the　situation　of　our　country；　and　the　temper　of　the　natives；　an　island　being　more　proper　for　commerce　and　for　defence；　than　for　extending　its　dominions　on　the　Continent；　for　what　the　valour　of　its　inhabitants　might　gain；　by　reason　of　its　remoteness；　and　the　casualties　of　the　seas；　it　could　not　so　easily　preserve：　　And；　therefore；　neither　the　arbitrary　power　of　One；　in　a　monarchy；　nor　of　Many；　in　a　commonwealth；　could　make　us　greater　than　we　are。　　It　is　true；　that　vaster　and　more　frequent　taxes　might　be　gathered；　when　the　consent　of　the　people　was　not　asked　or　needed；　but　this　were　only　by　conquering　abroad；　to　be　poor　at　home；　and　the　examples　of　our　neighbours　teach　us；　that　they　are　not　always　the　happiest　subjects；　whose　kings　extend　their　dominions　farthest。　　Since　therefore　we　cannot　win　by　an　offensive　war；　at　least；　a　land　war；　the　model　of　our　government　seems　naturally　contrived　for　the　defensive　part；　and　the　consent　of　a　people　is　easily　obtained　to　contribute　to　that　power　which　must　protect　it。　　Felices　nimium；　bona　si　sua　norint；　Angligenae！　And　yet　there　are　not　wanting　malcontents　among　us；　who；　surfeiting　themselves　on　too　much　happiness；　would　persuade　the　people　that　they　might　be　happier　by　a　change。　　It　was　indeed　the　policy　of　their　old　forefather；　when　himself　was　fallen　from　the　station　of　glory；　to　seduce　mankind　into　the　same　rebellion　with　him；　by　telling　him　he　might　yet　be　freer　than　he　was；　that　is　more　free　than　his　nature　would　allow；　or；　if　I　may　so　say；　than　God　could　make　him。　　We　have　already　all　the　liberty　which　freeborn　subjects　can　enjoy；　and　all　beyond　it　is　but　licence。　But　if　it　be　liberty　of　conscience　which　they　pretend；　the　moderation　of　our　church　is　such；　that　its　practice　extends　not　to　the　severity　of　persecution；　and　its　discipline　is　withal　so　easy；　that　it　allows　more　freedom　to　dissenters　than　any　of　the　sects　would　allow　to　it。　　In　the　meantime；　what　right　can　be　pretended　by　these　men　to　attempt　innovation　in　church　or　state？　Who　made　them　the　trustees；　or　to　speak　a　little　nearer　their　own　language；　the　keepers　of　the　liberty　of　England？　　If　their　call　be　extraordinary；　let　them　convince　us　by　working　miracles；　for　ordinary　vocation　they　can　have　none；　to　disturb　the　government　under　which　they　were　born；　and　which　protects　them。　　He　who　has　often　changed　his　party；　and　always　has　made　his　interest　the　rule　of　it；　gives　little　evidence　of　his　sincerity　for　the　public　good；　it　is　manifest　he　changes　but　for　himself；　and　takes　the　people　for　tools　to　work　his　fortune。　　Yet　the　experience　of　all　ages　might　let　him　know；　that　they　who　trouble　the　waters　first；　have　seldom　the　benefit　of　the　fishing；　as　they　who　began　the　late　rebellion　enjoyed　not　the　fruit　of　their　undertaking；　but　were　crushed　themselves　by　the　usurpation　of　their　own　instrument。　　Neither　is　it　enough　for　them　to　answer；　that　they　only　intend　a　reformation　of　the　government；　but　not　the　subversion　of　it：　　on　such　pretence　all　insurrections　have　been　founded；　it　is　striking　at　the　root　of　power；　which　is　obedience。　Every　remonstrance　of　private　men　has　the　seed　of　treason　in　it；　and　discourses；　which　are　couched　in　ambiguous　terms；　are　therefore　the　more　dangerous；　because　they　do　all　the　mischief　of　open　sedition；　yet　are　safe　from　the　punishment　of　the　laws。　These；　my　lord；　are　considerations；　which　I　should　not　pass　so　lightly　over；　had　I　room　to　manage　them　as　they　deserve；　for　no　man　can　be　so　inconsiderable　in　a　nation；　as　not　to　have　a　share　in　the　welfare　of　it；　and　if　he　be　a　true　Englishman；　he　must　at　the　same　time　be　fired　with　indignation；　and　revenge　himself　as　he　can　on　the　disturbers　of　his　country。　　And　to　whom　could　I　more　fitly　apply　myself　than　to　your　lordship；　who　have　not　only　an　inborn；　but　an　hereditary　loyalty？　　The　memorable　constancy　and　sufferings　of　your　father；　almost　to　the　ruin　of　his　estate；　for　the　royal　cause；　were　an　earnest　of　that　which　such　a　parent　and　such　an　institution　would　produce　in　the　person　of　a　son。　But　so　unhappy　an　occasion　of　manifesting　your　own　zeal；　in　suffering　for　his　present　majesty；　the　providence　of　God；　and　the　prudence　of　your　administration；　will；　I　hope；　prevent；　that；　as　your　father's　fortune　waited　on　the　unhappiness　of　his　sovereign；　so　your　own　may　participate　of　the　better　fate　which　attends　his　son。　　The　relation　which　you　have　by　alliance　to　the　noble　family　of　your　lady；　serves　to　confirm　to　you　both　this　happy　augury。　　For　what　can　deserve　a　greater　place　in　the　English　chronicle；　than　the　loyalty　and　courage；　the　actions　and　death；　of　the　general　of　an　army；　fighting　for　his　prince　and　country？　　The　honour　and　gallantry　of　the　Earl　of　Lindsey　is　so　illustrious　a　subject；　that　it　is　fit　to　adorn　an　heroic　poem；　for　he　was　the　protomartyr　of　the　cause；　and　the　type　of　his　unfortunate　royal　master。

Yet　after　all；　my　lord；　if　I　may　speak　my　thoughts；　you　are　happy　rather　to　us　than　to　yourself；　for　the　multiplicity；　the　cares；　and　the　vexations　of　your　employment；　have　betrayed　you　from　yourself；　and　given　you　up　into　the　possession　of　the　public。　You　are　robbed　of　your　privacy　and　friends；　and　scarce　any　hour　of　your　life　you　can　call　your　own。　　Those；　who　e