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第48章

representative government-第48章

小说: representative government 字数: 每页4000字

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f superior wisdom; are likely to recognise it; where it exists; by other signs than thinking exactly as they do; and even in spite of considerable differences of opinion: and when they have recognised it they will be far too desirous to secure it; at any admissible cost; to be prone to impose their own opinion as a law upon persons whom they look up to as wiser than themselves。 On the other hand; there is a character of mind which does not look up to any one; which thinks no other person's opinion much better than its own; or nearly so good as that of a hundred or a thousand persons like itself。 Where this is the turn of mind of the electors; they will elect no one who is not or at least who does not profess to be; the image of their own sentiments; and will continue him no longer than while he reflects those sentiments in his conduct: and all aspirants to political honours will endeavour; as Plato says in the 〃Gorgias;〃 to fashion themselves after the model of the Demos; and make themselves as like to it as possible。 It cannot be denied that a complete democracy has a strong tendency to cast the sentiments of the electors in this mould。 Democracy is not favourable to the reverential spirit。 That it destroys reverence for mere social position must be counted among the good; not the bad part of its influences; though by doing this it closes the principal school of reverence (as to merely human relations) which exists in society。 But also democracy; in its very essence; insists so much more forcibly on the things in which all are entitled to be considered equally; than on those in which one person is entitled to more consideration than another; that respect for even personal superiority is likely to be below the mark。 It is for this; among other reasons; I hold it of so much importance that the institutions of the country should stamp the opinions of persons of a more educated class as entitled to greater weight than those of the less educated: and I should still contend for assigning plurality of votes to authenticated superiority of education; were it only to give the tone to public feeling; irrespective of any direct political consequences。   When there does exist in the electoral body an adequate sense of the extraordinary difference in value between one person and another; they will not lack signs by which to distinguish the persons whose worth for their purposes is the greatest。 Actual public services will naturally be the foremost indication: to have filled posts of magnitude; and done important things in them; of which the wisdom has been justified by the results; to have been the author of measures which appear from their effects to have been wisely planned; to have made predictions which have been of verified by the event; seldom or never falsified by it; to have given advice; which when taken has been followed by good consequences; when neglected; by bad。 There is doubtless a large portion of uncertainty in these signs of wisdom; but we are seeking for such as can be applied by persons of ordinary discernment。 They will do well not to rely much on any one indication; unless corroborated by the rest; and; in their estimation of the success or merit of any practical effort; to lay great stress on the general opinion of disinterested persons conversant with the subject matter。 The tests which I have spoken of are only applicable to tried men; among whom must be reckoned those who; though untried practically; have been tried speculatively; who; in public speech or in print; have discussed public affairs in a manner which proves that they have given serious study to them。 Such persons may; in the mere character of political thinkers; have exhibited a considerable amount of the same titles to confidence as those who have been proved in the position of practical statesmen。 When it is necessary to choose persons wholly untried; the best criteria are; reputation for ability among those who personally know them; and the confidence placed and recommendations given by persons already looked up to。 By tests like these; constituencies who sufficiently value mental ability; and eagerly seek for it; will generally succeed in obtaining men beyond mediocrity; and often men whom they can trust to carry on public affairs according to their unfettered judgment; to whom it would be an affront to require that they should give up that judgment at the behest of their inferiors in knowledge。   If such persons; honestly sought; are not to be found; then indeed the electors are justified in taking other precautions; for they cannot be expected to postpone their particular opinions; unless in order that they may be served by a person of superior knowledge to their own。 They would do well; indeed; even then; to remember; that when once chosen; the representative; if he devotes himself to his duty; has greater opportunities of correcting an original false judgment than fall to the lot of most of his constituents; a consideration which generally ought to prevent them (unless compelled by necessity to choose some one whose impartiality they do not fully trust) from exacting a pledge not to change his opinion; or; if he does; to resign his seat。 But when an unknown person; not certified in unmistakable terms by some high authority; is elected for the first time; the elector cannot be expected not to make conformity to his own sentiments the primary requisite。 It is enough if he does not regard a subsequent change of those sentiments; honestly avowed; with its grounds undisguisedly stated; as a peremptory reason for withdrawing his confidence。   Even supposing the most tried ability and acknowledged eminence of character in the representative; the private opinions of the electors are not to be placed entirely in abeyance。 Deference to mental superiority is not to go the length of self…annihilation… abnegation of any personal opinion。 But when the difference does not relate to the fundamentals of politics; however decided the elector may be in his own sentiments; he ought to consider that when an able man differs from him there is at least a considerable chance of his being in the wrong; and that even if otherwise; it is worth while to give up his opinion in things not absolutely essential; for the sake of the inestimable advantage of having an able man to act for him in the many matters in which he himself is not qualified to form a judgment。 In such cases he often endeavours to reconcile both wishes; by inducing the able man to sacrifice his own opinion on the points of difference: but; for the able man to lend himself to this compromise; is treason against his especial office; abdication of the peculiar duties of mental superiority; of which it is one of the most sacred not to desert the cause which has the clamour against it; nor to deprive of his services those of his opinions which need them the most。 A man of conscience and known ability should insist on full freedom to act as he in his own judgment deems best; and should not consent to serve on any other terms。 But the electors are entitled to know how he means to act; what opinions; on all things which concern his public duty; he intends should guide his conduct。 If some of these are unacceptable to them; it is for him to satisfy them that he nevertheless deserves to be their representative; and if they are wise; they will overlook; in favour of his general value; many and great differences between his opinions and their own。    There are some differences; however; which they cannot be expected to overlook。 Whoever feels the amount of interest in the government of his country which befits a freeman; has some convictions on national affairs which are like his life…blood; which the strength of his belief in their truth; together with the importance he attaches to them; forbid him to make a subject of compromise; or postpone to the judgment of any person; however greatly his superior。 Such convictions; when they exist in a people; or in any appreciable portion of one; are entitled to influence in virtue of their mere existence; and not solely in that of the probability of their being grounded in truth。 A people cannot be well governed in opposition to their primary notions of right; even though these may 

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