representative government-第33章
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as one of the mere rank and file of a party。 But even without this restriction； the evil would be likely to cure itself as soon as the system came to be well understood。 To counteract it would become a paramount object with all the knots and cliques whose influence is so much deprecated。 From these； each in itself a small minority； the word would go forth； 〃Vote for your special candidates only； or at least put their names foremost； so as to give them the full chance which your numerical strength warrants； of obtaining the quota by means of first votes； or without descending low in the scale。〃 And those voters who did not belong to any clique would profit by the lesson。 The minor groups would have precisely the amount of power which they ought to have。 The influence they could exercise would be exactly that which their number of voters entitled them to； not a particle more； while to ensure even that； they would have a motive to put up； as representatives of their special objects； candidates whose other recommendations would enable them to obtain the suffrages of voters not of the sect or clique。 It is curious to observe how the popular line of argument in defence of existing systems veers round； according to the nature of the attack made upon them。 Not many years ago it was the favourite argument in support of the then existing system of representation； that under it all 〃interests〃 or 〃classes〃 were represented。 And certainly； all interests or classes of any importance ought to be represented； that is； ought to have spokesmen； or advocates； in Parliament。 But from thence it was argued that a system ought to be supported which gave to the partial interests not advocates merely； but the tribunal itself。 Now behold the change。 Mr。 Hare's system makes it impossible for partial interests to have the command of the tribunal； but it ensures them advocates； and for doing even this it is reproached。 Because it unites the good points of class representation and the good points of numerical representation； it is attacked from both sides at once。 But it is not such objections as these that are the real difficulty in getting the system accepted； it is the exaggerated notion entertained of its complexity； and the consequent doubt whether it is capable of being carried into effect。 The only complete answer to this objection would be actual trial。 When the merits of the plan shall have become more generally known； and shall have gained for it a wider support among impartial thinkers； an effort should be made to obtain its introduction experimentally in some limited field； such as the municipal election of some great town。 An opportunity was lost when the decision was taken to divide the West Riding of Yorkshire for the purpose of giving it four members； instead of trying the new principle； by leaving the constituency undivided； and allowing a candidate to be returned on obtaining either in first or secondary votes a fourth part of the whole number of votes given。 Such experiments； would be a very imperfect test of the worth of the plan： but they would be an exemplification of its mode of working； they would enable people to convince themselves that it is not impracticable； would familiarise them with its machinery； and afford some materials for judging whether the difficulties which are thought to be so formidable are real or imaginary。 The day when such a partial trial shall be sanctioned by Parliament will； I believe； inaugurate a new era of Parliamentary Reform； destined to give to Representative Government a shape fitted to its mature and triumphant period； when it shall have passed through the militant stage in which alone the world has yet seen it。*
* In the interval between the last and present editions of this treatise； it has become known that the experiment here suggested has actually been made on a larger than any municipal or provincial scale； and has been in course of trial for several years。 In the Danish Constitution （not that of Denmark proper； but the Constitution framed for the entire Danish kingdom） the equal representation of minorities was provided for on a plan so nearly identical with Mr。 Hare's； as to add another to the examples how the ideas which resolve difficulties arising out of a general situation of the human mind or of society； present themselves； without communication； to several superior minds at once。 This feature of the Danish electoral law has been brought fully and clearly before the British public in an able paper by Mr。 Robert Lytton； forming one of the valuable reports by Secretaries of Legation； printed by order of the House of Commons in 1864； Mr。 Hare's plan； which may now be also called M。 Andrae's； has thus advanced from the position of a simple project to that of a realised political fact。 Though Denmark is as yet the only country in which Personal Representation has become an institution； the progress of the idea among thinking minds has been very rapid。 In almost all the countries in which universal suffrage is now regarded as a necessity； the scheme is rapidly making its way： with the friends of democracy； as a logical consequence of their principle； with those who rather accept than prefer democratic government； as indispensable corrective of its inconveniences。 The political thinkers of Switzerland led the way。 Those of France followed。 To mention no others； within a very recent period two of the most influential and authoritative writers in France； one belonging to the moderate liberal and the other to the extreme democratic school； have given in a public adhesion to the plan。 Among its German supporters is numbered one of the most eminent political thinkers in Germany； who is also a distinguished member of the liberal Cabinet of the Grand Duke of Baden。 This subject； among others； has its share in the important awakening of thought in the American republic； which is already one of the fruits of the great pending contest for human freedom。 In the two principal of our Australian colonies Mr。 Hare's plan has been brought under the consideration of their respective legislatures； and though not yet adopted； has already a strong party in its favour； while the clear and complete understanding of its principles； shown by the majority of the speakers both on the Conservative and on the Radical side of general politics； shows how unfounded is the notion of its being too complicated to be capable of being generally comprehended and acted on。 Nothing is required to make both the plan and its advantages intelligible to all； except that the time should have come when they will think it worth their while to take the trouble of really attending to it。 Chapter 8 Of the Extension of the Suffrage。
SUCH A representative democracy as has now been sketched； representative of all； and not solely of the majority… in which the interests the opinions； the grades of intellect which are outnumbered would nevertheless be heard； and would have a chance of obtaining by weight of character and strength of argument an influence which would not belong to their numerical force… this democracy； which is alone equal； alone impartial； alone the government of all by all； the only true type of democracy… would be free from the greatest evils of the falsely…called democracies which now prevail； and from which the current idea of democracy is exclusively derived。 But even in this democracy； absolute power； if they chose to exercise it； would rest with the numerical majority； and these would be composed exclusively of a single class； alike in biasses； prepossessions； and general modes of thinking； and a class； to say no more； not the most highly cultivated。 The constitution would therefore still be liable to the characteristic evils of class government： in a far less degree； assuredly； than that exclusive government by a class； which now usurps the name of democracy； but still； under no effective restraint； except what might be found in the good sense； moderation； and forbearance of the class itself。 If checks of this description are sufficient； the philosophy of constitutional government is but solemn trifling。 All trust in constitutions is grounded on the assurance they may aff
