the writings-2-第60章

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this　country；　the　change　between　then　and　now　is　decidedly　the

other　way；　and　their　ultimate　destiny　has　never　appeared　so

hopeless　as　in　the　last　three　or　four　years。　　In　two　of　the　five

StatesNew　Jersey　and　North　Carolinathat　then　gave　the　free

negro　the　right　of　voting；　the　right　has　since　been　taken　away；

and　in　a　thirdNew　Yorkit　has　been　greatly　abridged；　while　it

has　not　been　extended；　so　far　as　I　know；　to　a　single　additional

State；　though　the　number　of　the　States　has　more　than　doubled。　　In

those　days；　as　I　understand；　masters　could；　at　their　own

pleasure；　emancipate　their　slaves；　but　since　then　such　legal

restraints　have　been　made　upon　emancipation　as　to　amount　almost

to　prohibition。　　In　those　days　Legislatures　held　the　unquestioned

power　to　abolish　slavery　in　their　respective　States；　but　now　it

is　becoming　quite　fashionable　for　State　constitutions　to　withhold

that　power　from　the　Legislatures。　　In　those　days；　by　common

consent；　the　spread　of　the　black　man's　bondage　to　the　new

countries　was　prohibited；　but　now　Congress　decides　that　it　will

not　continue　the　prohibition；　and　the　Supreme　Court　decides　that

it　could　not　if　it　would。　　In　those　days　our　Declaration　of

Independence　was　held　sacred　by　all；　and　thought　to　include　all；

but　now；　to　aid　in　making　the　bondage　of　the　negro　universal　and

eternal；　it　is　assailed　and　sneered　at　and　construed　and　hawked

at　and　torn；　till；　if　its　framers　could　rise　from

their　graves；　they　could　not　at　all　recognize　it。　　All　the　powers

of　earth　seem　rapidly　combining　against　him。　　Mammon　is　after

him；　ambition　follows；　philosophy　follows；　and　the　theology　of

the　day　fast　joining　the　cry。　　They　have　him　in　his　prison　house；

they　have　searched　his　person；　and　left　no　prying　instrument　with

him。　　One　after　another　they　have　closed　the　heavy　iron　doors

upon　him；　and　now　they　have　him；　as　it　were；　bolted　in　with　a

lock　of　hundred　keys；　which　can　never　be　unlocked　without　the

concurrence　of　every　keythe　keys　in　the　hands　of　a　hundred

different　men；　and　they　scattered　to　hundred　different　and

distant　places；　and　they　stand　musing　as　to　what　invention；　in

all　the　dominions　of　mind　and　matter；　can　be　produced　to　make　the

impossibility　of　his　escape　more　complete　than　it　is。



It　is　grossly　incorrect　to　say　or　assume　that　the　public　estimate

of　the　negro　is　more　favorable　now　than　it　was　at　the　origin　of

the　government。



Three　years　and　a　half　ago；　Judge　Douglas　brought　forward　his

famous　Nebraska　Bill。　　The　country　was　at　once　in　a　blaze。　　He

scorned　all　opposition；　and　carried　it　through　Congress。　　Since

then　he　has　seen　himself　superseded　in　a　Presidential　nomination

by　one　indorsing　the　general　doctrine　of　his　measure；　but　at　the

same　time　standing　clear　of　the　odium　of　its　untimely　agitation

and　its　gross　breach　of　national　faith；　and　he　has　seen　that

successful　rival　constitutionally　elected；　not　by　the　strength　of

friends；　but　by　the　division　of　adversaries；　being　in　a　popular

minority　of　nearly　four　hundred　thousand　votes。　　He　has　seen　his

chief　aids　in　his　own　State；　Shields　and　Richardson；　politically

speaking；　successively　tried；　convicted；　and　executed　for　an

offence　not　their　own　but　his。　　And　now　he　sees　his　own　case

standing　next　on　the　docket　for　trial。



There　is　a　natural　disgust　in　the　minds　of　nearly　all　white

people　at　the　idea　of　an　indiscriminate　amalgamation　of　the　white

and　black　races；　and　Judge　Douglas　evidently　is　basing　his　chief

hope　upon　the　chances　of　his　being　able　to　appropriate　the

benefit　of　this　disgust　to　himself。　　If　he　can；　by　much　drumming

and　repeating；　fasten　the　odium　of　that　idea　upon　his

adversaries；　he　thinks　he　can　struggle　through　the　storm。　　He

therefore　clings　to　this　hope；　as　a　drowning　man　to　the　last

plank。　　He　makes　an　occasion　for　lugging　it　in　from　the

opposition　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision。　　He　finds　the　Republicans

insisting　that　the　Declaration　of　Independence　includes　all　men；

black　as　well　as　white；　and　forthwith　he　boldly　denies　that　it

includes　negroes　at　all；　and　proceeds　to　argue　gravely　that　all

who　contend　it　does；　do　so　only　because　they　want　to　vote；　and

eat；　and　sleep；　and　marry　with　negoes。　　He　will　have　it　that　they

cannot　be　consistent　else。　　Now　I　protest　against　the　counterfeit

logic　which　concludes　that；　because　I　do　not　want　a　black　woman

for　a　slave　I　must　necessarily　want　her　for　a　wife。　　I　need　not

have　her　for　either。　　I　can　just　leave　her　alone。　　In　some

respects　she　certainly　is　not　my　equal；　but　in　her　natural　right

to　eat　the　bread　she　earns　with　her　own　hands；　without　asking

leave　of　any　one　else；　she　is　my　equal　and　the　equal　of　all

others。



Chief　Justice　Taney；　in　his　opinion　in　the　Dred　Scott　case；

admits　that　the　language　of　the　Declaration　is　broad　enough　to

include　the　whole　human　family；　but　he　and　Judge　Douglas　argue

that　the　authors　of　that　instrument　did　not　intend　to　include

negroes；　by　the　fact　that　they　did　not　at　once　actually　place

them　on　an　equality　with　the　whites。　　Now　this　grave　argument

comes　to　just　nothing　at　all；　by　the　other　fact　that　they　did　not

at　once；　or　ever　afterward；　actually　place　all　white　people　on　an

equality　with　one　another。　　And　this　is　the　staple　argument　of

both　the　Chief　Justice　and　the　Senator　for　doing　this　obvious

violence　to　the　plain；　unmistakable　language　of　the　Declaration。



I　think　the　authors　of　that　notable　instrument　intended　to

include　all　men；　but　they　did　not　intend　to　declare　all　men　equal

in　all　respects。　　They　did　not　mean　to　say　all　were　equal　in

color；　size；　intellect；　moral　developments；　or　social　capacity。

They　defined　with　tolerable　distinctness　in　what　respects　they

did　consider　all　men　created　equalequal　with　〃certain

inalienable　rights；　among　which　are　life；　liberty；　and　the

pursuit　of　happiness。〃　This　they　said；　and　this　they　meant。　　They

did　not　mean　to　assert　the　obvious　untruth　that　all　were　then

actually　enjoying　that　equality；　nor　yet　that　they　were　about　to

confer　it　immediately　upon　them。　　In　fact；　they　had　no　power　to

confer　such　a　boon。　　They　meant　simply　to　declare　the　right；　so

that　enforcement　of　it　might　follow　as　fast　as　circumstances

should　permit。



They　meant　to　set　up　a　standard　maxim　for　free　society；　which

should　be　familiar　to　all；　and　revered　by　all；　constantly　looked

to；　constantly　labored　for；　and；　even　though　never　perfectly

attained；　constantly　approximated；　and　thereby　constantly

spreading　and　deepening　its　influence　and　augmenting　the

happiness　and　value　of　life　to　all　people　of　all　colors

everywhere。　　The　assertion　that　〃all　men　are　created　equal〃　was

of　no　practical　use　in　effecting　our　separation　from　Great

Britain；　and　it　was　placed　in　the　Declaration　not　for　that；　but

for　future　use。　　Its　authors　meant　it　to　beas　thank　God；　it　is

now　proving　itselfstumbling…block　to　all　those　who　in　after

times　might　seek　to　turn　a　free　people　back　into　the　hateful

paths　of　despotism。　　They　knew　the　proneness　of　prosperity　to

breed　tyrants；　and　they　meant　when　such　should　reappear　in　this

fair　land　and　commence　their　vocation；　they　should　find　left　for

them　at　least　one　hard　nut　to　crack。



I　have　now　briefly　expressed　my　view　of　the　meaning　and　object　of

that　part　of　the　Declaration　of　Independence　which　declares　that

〃all　men　are　created　equal。〃



Now　let　us　hear　Judge　Douglas's　view　of　the　same　subject；　as　I

find　it　in　the　printed　report　of　his　late　speech。　　Here　it　is：



〃No　man　can　vindicate　the　character；　motives；　and　conduct　of　the

signers　of　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　except　upon　the

hypothesis　that　they　referred　to　the　white　race　alone；　and　not　to

the　African；　when　they　declared　all　men　to　have　been　created

equal；　that　they　were　speaking　of　British　subjects　on　this

continent　being　equal　to　British　subjects　born　and　residing　in

Great　Britain；　that　they　were　entitled　to　the　same　inalienable

rights；　and　among　them　were　enumera