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第32章

the writings-2-第32章

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By the foregoing it is perceived that the period from the

beginning of Mr。 Clay's official life in 1803 to the end of 1852

is but one year short of half a century; and that the sum of all

the intervals in it will not amount to ten years。  But mere

duration of time in office constitutes the smallest part of Mr。

Clay's history。  Throughout that long period he has constantly

been the most loved and most implicitly followed by friends; and

the most dreaded by opponents; of all living American

politicians。  In all the great questions which have agitated the

country; and particularly in those fearful crises; the Missouri

question; the nullification question; and the late slavery

question; as connected with the newly acquired territory;

involving and endangering the stability of the Union; his has

been the leading and most conspicuous part。  In 1824 he was first

a candidate for the Presidency; and was defeated; and; although

he was successively defeated for the same office in 1832 and in

1844; there has never been a moment since 1824 till after 1848

when a very large portion of the American people did not cling to

him with an enthusiastic hope and purpose of still elevating him

to the Presidency。  With other men; to be defeated was to be

forgotten; but with him defeat was but a trifling incident;

neither changing him nor the world's estimate of him。  Even those

of both political parties who have been preferred to him for the

highest office have run far briefer courses than he; and left him

still shining high in the heavens of the political world。

Jackson; Van Buren; Harnson; Polk; and Taylor all rose after; and

set long before him。  The spellthe long…enduring spellwith

which the souls of men were bound to him is a miracle。  Who can

compass it?   It is probably true he owed his pre…eminence to no

one quality; but to a fortunate combination of several。  He was

surpassingly eloquent; but many eloquent men fail utterly; and

they are not; as a class; generally successful。  His judgment was

excellent; but many men of good judgment live and die unnoticed。

His will was indomitable; but this quality often secures to its

owner nothing better than a character for useless obstinacy。

These; then; were Mr。 Clay's leading qualities。  No one of them

is very uncommon; but all together are rarely combined in a

single individual; and this is probably the reason why such men

as Henry Clay are so rare in the world。



Mr。 Clay's eloquence did not consist; as many fine specimens of

eloquence do; of types and figures; of antithesis and elegant

arrangement of words and sentences; but rather of that deeply

earnest and impassioned tone and manner which can proceed only

from great sincerity; and a thorough conviction in the speaker of

the justice and importance of his cause。  This it is that truly

touches the chords of sympathy; and those who heard Mr。 Clay

never failed to be moved by it; or ever afterward forgot the

impression。  All his efforts were made for practical effect。  He

never spoke merely to be heard。  He never delivered a Fourth of

July oration; or a eulogy on an occasion like this。  As a

politician or statesman; no one was so habitually careful to

avoid all sectional ground。  Whatever he did he did for the whole

country。  In the construction of his measures; he ever carefully

surveyed every part of the field; and duly weighed every

conflicting interest。  Feeling as he did; and as the truth surely

is; that the world's best hope depended on the continued union of

these States; he was ever jealous of and watchful for whatever

might have the slightest tendency to separate them。



Mr。 Clay's predominant sentiment; from first to last; was a deep

devotion to the cause of human libertya strong sympathy with

the oppressed everywhere; and an ardent wish for their elevation。

With him this was a primary and all…controlling passion。

Subsidiary to this was the conduct of his whole life。  He loved

his country partly because it was his own country; and mostly

because it was a free country; and he burned with a zeal for its

advancement; prosperity; and glory; because he saw in such the

advancement; prosperity; and glory of human liberty; human right;

and human nature。  He desired the prosperity of his countrymen;

partly because they were his countrymen; but chiefly to show to

the world that free men could be prosperous。



That his views and measures were always the wisest needs not to

be affirmed; nor should it be on this occasion; where so many

thinking differently join in doing honor to his memory。  A free

people in times of peace and quiet when pressed by no common

danger…naturally divide into parties。  At such times the man who

is of neither party is not; cannot be; of any consequence。  Mr。

Clay therefore was of a party。  Taking a prominent part; as he

did; in all the great political questions of his country for the

last half century; the wisdom of his course on many is doubted

and denied by a large portion of his countrymen; and of such it

is not now proper to speak particularly。  But there are many

others; about his course upon which there is little or no

disagreement amongst intelligent and patriotic Americans。  Of

these last are the War of 1812; the Missouri question;

nullification; and the now recent compromise measures。  In 1812

Mr。 Clay; though not unknown; was still a young man。  Whether we

should go to war with Great Britain being the question of the

day; a minority opposed the declaration of war by Congress; while

the majority; though apparently inclined to war; had for years

wavered; and hesitated to act decisively。  Meanwhile British

aggressions multiplied; and grew more daring and aggravated。  By

Mr。 Clay more than any other man the struggle was brought to a

decision in Congress。  The question; being now fully before

Congress; came up in a variety of ways in rapid succession; on

most of which occasions Mr。 Clay spoke。  Adding to all the logic

of which the subject was susceptible that noble inspiration which

came to him as it came to no other; he aroused and nerved and

inspired his friends; and confounded and bore down all

opposition。  Several of his speeches on these occasions were

reported and are still extant; but the best of them all never

was。  During its delivery the reporters forgot their vocation;

dropped their pens; and sat enchanted from near the beginning to

quite the close。  The speech now lives only in the memory of a

few old men; and the enthusiasm with which they cherish their

recollection of it is absolutely astonishing。  The precise

language of this speech we shall never know; but we do know we

cannot help knowingthat with deep pathos it pleaded the cause

of the injured sailor; that it invoked the genius of the

Revolution; that it apostrophized the names of Otis; of Henry;

and of Washington; that it appealed to the interests; the pride;

the honor; and the glory of the nation; that it shamed and

taunted the timidity of friends; that it scorned and scouted and

withered the temerity of domestic foes; that it bearded and

defied the British lion; and; rising and swelling and maddening

in its course; it sounded the onset; till the charge; the shock;

the steady struggle; and the glorious victory all passed in vivid

review before the entranced hearers。



Important and exciting as was the war question of 1812; it never

so alarmed the sagacious statesmen of the country for the safety

of the Republic as afterward did the Missouri question。  This

sprang from that unfortunate source of discordnegro slavery。

When our Federal Constitution was adopted; we owned no territory

beyond the limits or ownership of the States; except the

territory northwest of the River Ohio and east of the

Mississippi。  What has since been formed into the States of

Maine; Kentucky and Tennessee; was; I believe; within the limits

of or owned by Massachusetts; Virginia; and North Carolina。  As


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