part13-第3章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



Constitution；　by　more　strongly　marking　out　its　lines。




　　　　　　　　We　have　nothing　later　from　Europe　than　the　public　papers　give。

I　hope　yourself　and　all　the　Western　members　will　make　a　sacred　point

of　being　at　the　first　day　of　the　meeting　of　Congress；　for　_vestra　res

agitur。_




　　　　　　　　Accept　my　affectionate　salutations　&　assurances　of　esteem　&

respect。







　　　　　　　　A　CONSTITUTIONAL　AMENDMENT




　　　　　　　　_To　Wilson　Cary　Nicholas_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　Sep。　7；　1803_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Your　favor　of　the　3d　was　delivered　me　at　court；

but　we　were　much　disappointed　at　not　seeing　you　here；　Mr。　Madison　&

the　Gov。　being　here　at　the　time。　　I　enclose　you　a　letter　from　Monroe

on　the　subject　of　the　late　treaty。　　You　will　observe　a　hint　in　it；　to

do　without　delay　what　we　are　bound　to　do。　　There　is　reason；　in　the

opinion　of　our　ministers；　to　believe；　that　if　the　thing　were　to　do

over　again；　it　could　not　be　obtained；　&　that　if　we　give　the　least

opening；　they　will　declare　the　treaty　void。　　A　warning　amounting　to

that　has　been　given　to　them；　&　an　unusual　kind　of　letter　written　by

their　minister　to　our　Secretary　of　State；　direct。　　Whatever　Congress

shall　think　it　necessary　to　do；　should　be　done　with　as　little　debate

as　possible；　&　particularly　so　far　as　respects　the　constitutional

difficulty。　　I　am　aware　of　the　force　of　the　observations　you　make　on

the　power　given　by　the　Constn　to　Congress；　to　admit　new　States　into

the　Union；　without　restraining　the　subject　to　the　territory　then

constituting　the　U　S。　　But　when　I　consider　that　the　limits　of　the　U　S

are　precisely　fixed　by　the　treaty　of　1783；　that　the　Constitution

expressly　declares　itself　to　be　made　for　the　U　S；　I　cannot　help

believing　the　intention　was　to　permit　Congress　to　admit　into　the

Union　new　States；　which　should　be　formed　out　of　the　territory　for

which；　&　under　whose　authority　alone；　they　were　then　acting。　　I　do

not　believe　it　was　meant　that　they　might　receive　England；　Ireland；

Holland；　&c。　into　it；　which　would　be　the　case　on　your　construction。

When　an　instrument　admits　two　constructions；　the　one　safe；　the　other

dangerous；　the　one　precise；　the　other　indefinite；　I　prefer　that　which

is　safe　&　precise。　　I　had　rather　ask　an　enlargement　of　power　from　the

nation；　where　it　is　found　necessary；　than　to　assume　it　by　a

construction　which　would　make　our　powers　boundless。　　Our　peculiar

security　is　in　possession　of　a　written　Constitution。　　Let　us　not　make

it　a　blank　paper　by　construction。　　I　say　the　same　as　to　the　opinion

of　those　who　consider　the　grant　of　the　treaty　making　power　as

boundless。　　If　it　is；　then　we　have　no　Constitution。　　If　it　has

bounds；　they　can　be　no　others　than　the　definitions　of　the　powers

which　that　instrument　gives。　　It　specifies　&　delineates　the

operations　permitted　to　the　federal　government；　and　gives　all　the

powers　necessary　to　carry　these　into　execution。　　Whatever　of　these

enumerated　objects　is　proper　for　a　law；　Congress　may　make　the　law；

whatever　is　proper　to　be　executed　by　way　of　a　treaty；　the　President　&

Senate　may　enter　into　the　treaty；　whatever　is　to　be　done　by　a

judicial　sentence；　the　judges　may　pass　the　sentence。　　Nothing　is　more

likely　than　that　their　enumeration　of　powers　is　defective。　　This　is

the　ordinary　case　of　all　human　works。　　Let　us　go　on　then　perfecting

it；　by　adding；　by　way　of　amendment　to　the　Constitution；　those　powers

which　time　&　trial　show　are　still　wanting。　　But　it　has　been　taken　too

much　for　granted；　that　by　this　rigorous　construction　the　treaty　power

would　be　reduced　to　nothing。　　I　had　occasion　once　to　examine　its

effect　on　the　French　treaty；　made　by　the　old　Congress；　&　found　that

out　of　thirty　odd　articles　which　that　contained；　there　were　one；　two；

or　three　only　which　could　not　now　be　stipulated　under　our　present

Constitution。　　I　confess；　then；　I　think　it　important；　in　the　present

case；　to　set　an　example　against　broad　construction；　by　appealing　for

new　power　to　the　people。　　If；　however；　our　friends　shall　think

differently；　certainly　I　shall　acquiesce　with　satisfaction；

confiding；　that　the　good　sense　of　our　country　will　correct　the　evil

of　construction　when　it　shall　produce　ill　effects。




　　　　　　　　No　apologies　for　writing　or　speaking　to　me　freely　are

necessary。　　On　the　contrary；　nothing　my　friends　can　do　is　so　dear　to

me；　&　proves　to　me　their　friendship　so　clearly；　as　the　information

they　give　me　of　their　sentiments　&　those　of　others　on　interesting

points　where　I　am　to　act；　and　where　information　&　warning　is　so

essential　to　excite　in　me　that　due　reflection　which　ought　to　precede

action。　　I　leave　this　about　the　21st；　and　shall　hope　the　District

Court　will　give　me　an　opportunity　of　seeing　you。




　　　　　　　　Accept　my　affectionate　salutations；　&　assurances　of　cordial

esteem　&　respect。







　　　　　　　　JESUS；　LOUISIANA；　AND　MALTHUS




　　　　　　　　_To　Dr。　Joseph　Priestley_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Jan。　29；　1804_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Your　favor　of　December　12　came　duly　to　hand；　as

did　the　2'd。　letter　to　Doctor　Linn；　and　the　treatise　of　Phlogiston；

for　which　I　pray　you　to　accept　my　thanks。　　The　copy　for　Mr。

Livingston　has　been　delivered；　together　with　your　letter　to　him；　to

Mr。　Harvie；　my　secretary；　who　departs　in　a　day　or　two　for　Paris；　&

will　deliver　them　himself　to　Mr。　Livingston；　whose　attention　to　your

matter　cannot　be　doubted。　　I　have　also　to　add　my　thanks　to　Mr。

Priestley；　your　son；　for　the　copy　of　your　Harmony；　which　I　have　gone

through　with　great　satisfaction。　　It　is　the　first　I　have　been　able　to

meet　with；　which　is　clear　of　those　long　repetitions　of　the　same

transaction；　as　if　it　were　a　different　one　because　related　with　some

different　circumstances。




　　　　　　　　I　rejoice　that　you　have　undertaken　the　task　of　comparing　the

moral　doctrines　of　Jesus　with　those　of　the　ancient　Philosophers。　　You

are　so　much　in　possession　of　the　whole　subject；　that　you　will　do　it

easier　&　better　than　any　other　person　living。　　I　think　you　cannot

avoid　giving；　as　preliminary　to　the　comparison；　a　digest　of　his　moral

doctrines；　extracted　in　his　own　words　from　the　Evangelists；　and

leaving　out　everything　relative　to　his　personal　history　and

character。　　It　would　be　short　and　precious。　　With　a　view　to　do　this

for　my　own　satisfaction；　I　had　sent　to　Philadelphia　to　get　two

testaments　Greek　of　the　same　edition；　&　two　English；　with　a　design　to

cut　out　the　morsels　of　morality；　and　paste　them　on　the　leaves　of　a

book；　in　the　manner　you　describe　as　having　been　pursued　in　forming

your　Harmony。　　But　I　shall　now　get　the　thing　done　by　better　hands。




　　　　　　　　I　very　early　saw　that　Louisiana　was　indeed　a　speck　in　our

horizon　which　was　to　burst　in　a　tornado；　and　the　public　are

unapprized　how　near　this　catastrophe　was。　　Nothing　but　a　frank　&

friendly　development　of　causes　&　effects　on　our　part；　and　good　sense

enough　in　Bonaparte　to　see　that　the　train　was　unavoidable；　and　would

change　the　face　of　the　world；　saved　us　from　that　storm。　　I　did　not

expect　he　would　yield　till　a　war　took　place　between　France　and

England；　and　my　hope　was　to　palliate　and　endure；　if　Messrs。　Ross；

Morris；　&c。　did　not　force　a　premature　rupture；　until　that　event。　　I

believed　the　event　not　very　distant；　but　acknolege　it　came　on　sooner

than　I　had　expected。　　Whether；　however；　the　good　sense　of　Bonaparte

might　not　see　the　course　predicted　to　be　necessary　&　unavoidable；

even　before　a　war　should　be　imminent；　was　a　chance　which　we　thought

it　our　duty　to　try；　but　the　immediate　prospect　of　rupture　brought　the

case　to　immediate　decision。　　The　_denoument_　has　been　happy；　and　I

confess　I　look　to　this　duplication　of　area　for　the　extending　a

government　so　free　and　economical　as　ours；　as　a　great　achievement　to

the　mass　of　happiness　which　is　to　ensue。　　Whether　we　remain　in　one

confederacy；　or　form　into　Atlantic　and　Mississippi　confederacies；　I

believe　not　very　important　to　the　happiness　of　either　part。　　Those　of

the　western　confederacy　will　be　as　much　our