part13-第13章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



a　regular　way。　　2。　The　regular　mounting　of　guard　round

Blennerhassett's　island　when　they　expected　Governor　Tiffin's　men　to

be　on　them；　_modo　guerrino　arraiali_。　　3。　The　rendezvous　of　Burr　with

his　men　at　the　mouth　of　the　Cumberland。　　4。　His　letter　to　the　acting

Governor　of　Mississippi；　holding　up　the　prospect　of　civil　war。　　5。

His　capitulation　regularly　signed　with　the　aids　of　the　Governor；　as

between　two　independent　&　hostile　commanders。




　　　　　　　　But　a　moment's　calculation　will　shew　that　this　evidence　cannot

be　collected　under　4　months；　probably　5。　from　the　moment　of　deciding

when　&　where　the　trial　shall　be。　　I　desired　Mr。　Rodney　expressly　to

inform　the　Chief　Justice　of　this；　inofficially。　　But　Mr。　Marshall

says；　〃more　than　5　weeks　have　elapsed　since　the　opinion　of　the

Supreme　court　has　declared　the　necessity　of　proving　the　overt　acts；

if　they　exist。　　Why　are　they　not　proved？〃　In　what　terms　of　decency

can　we　speak　of　this？　　As　if　an　express　could　go　to　Natchez；　or　the

mouth　of　Cumberland；　&　return　in　5　weeks；　to　do　which　has　never　taken

less　than　twelve。　　Again；　〃If；　in　Nov。　or　Dec。　last；　a　body　of　troops

had　been　assembled　on　the　Ohio；　it　is　impossible　to　suppose　the

affidavits　establishing　the　fact　could　not　have　been　obtained　by　the

last　of　March。〃　But　I　ask　the　judge　where　they　should　have　been

lodged？　　At　Frankfort？　at　Cincinnati？　at　Nashville？　St。　Louis？

Natchez？　New　Orleans？　　These　were　the　probable　places　of　apprehension

&　examination。　　It　was　not　known　at　_Washington_　till　the　26th　of

March　that　Burr　would　escape　from　the　Western　tribunals；　be　retaken　&

brought　to　an　Eastern　one；　and　in　5　days　after；　（neither　5。　months

nor　5。　weeks；　as　the　judge　calculated；）　he　says；　it　is　〃impossible　to

suppose　the　affidavits　could　not　have　been　obtained。〃　Where？　　At

Richmond　he　certainly　meant；　or　meant　only　to　throw　dust　in　the　eyes

of　his　audience。　　But　all　the　principles　of　law　are　to　be　perverted

which　would　bear　on　the　favorite　offenders　who　endeavor　to　overrun

this　odious　Republic。　　〃I　understand；〃　sais　the　judge；　〃_probable_

cause　of　guilt　to　be　a　case　made　out　by　_proof_　furnishing　good

reason　to　believe；〃　&c。　　Speaking　as　a　lawyer；　he　must　mean　legal

proof；　i。　e。；　proof　on　oath；　at　least。　　But　this　is　confounding

_probability_　and　_proof_。　　We　had　always　before　understood　that

where　there　was　reasonable　ground　to　believe　guilt；　the　offender　must

be　put　on　his　trial。　　That　guilty　intentions　were　probable；　the　judge

believed。　　And　as　to　the　overt　acts；　were　not　the　bundle　of　letters

of　information　in　Mr。　Rodney's　hands；　the　letters　and　facts　published

in　the　local　newspapers；　Burr's　flight；　&　the　universal　belief　or

rumor　of　his　guilt；　probable　ground　for　presuming　the　facts　of

enlistment；　military　guard；　rendezvous；　threats　of　civil　war；　or

capitulation；　so　as　to　put　him　on　trial？　　Is　there　a　candid　man　in

the　U　S　who　does　not　believe　some　one；　if　not　all；　of　these　overt

acts　to　have　taken　place？




　　　　　　　　If　there　ever　had　been　an　instance　in　this　or　the　preceding

administrations；　of　federal　judges　so　applying　principles　of　law　as

to　condemn　a　federal　or　acquit　a　republican　offender；　I　should　have

judged　them　in　the　present　case　with　more　charity。　　All　this；

however；　will　work　well。　　The　nation　will　judge　both　the　offender　&

judges　for　themselves。　　If　a　member　of　the　Executive　or　Legislature

does　wrong；　the　day　is　never　far　distant　when　the　people　will　remove

him。　　They　will　see　then　&　amend　the　error　in　our　Constitution；　which

makes　any　branch　independent　of　the　nation。　　They　will　see　that　one

of　the　great　co…ordinate　branches　of　the　government；　setting　itself

in　opposition　to　the　other　two；　and　to　the　common　sense　of　the

nation；　proclaims　impunity　to　that　class　of　offenders　which　endeavors

to　overturn　the　Constitution；　and　are　themselves　protected　in　it　by

the　Constitution　itself；　for　impeachment　is　a　farce　which　will　not　be

tried　again。　　If　their　protection　of　Burr　produces　this　amendment；　it

will　do　more　good　than　his　condemnation　would　have　done。　　Against

Burr；　personally；　I　never　had　one　hostile　sentiment。　　I　never　indeed

thought　him　an　honest；　frank…dealing　man；　but　considered　him　as　a

crooked　gun；　or　other　perverted　machine；　whose　aim　or　stroke　you

could　never　be　sure　of。　　Still；　while　he　possessed　the　confidence　of

the　nation；　I　thought　it　my　duty　to　respect　in　him　their　confidence；

&　to　treat　him　as　if　he　deserved　it；　and　if　this　punishment　can　be

commuted　now　for　any　useful　amendment　of　the　Constitution；　I　shall

rejoice　in　it。　　My　sheet　being　full；　I　perceive　it　is　high　time　to

offer　you　my　friendly　salutations；　and　assure　you　of　my　constant　and

affectionate　esteem　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　HISTORY；　HUME；　AND　THE　PRESS




　　　　　　　　_To　John　Norvell_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　June　14；　1807_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　Your　letter　of　May　9　has　been　duly　received。　　The

subject　it　proposes　would　require　time　&　space　for　even　moderate

development。　　My　occupations　limit　me　to　a　very　short　notice　of　them。

I　think　there　does　not　exist　a　good　elementary　work　on　the

organization　of　society　into　civil　government：　I　mean　a　work　which

presents　in　one　full　&　comprehensive　view　the　system　of　principles　on

which　such　an　organization　should　be　founded；　according　to　the　rights

of　nature。　　For　want　of　a　single　work　of　that　character；　I　should

recommend　Locke　on　Government；　Sidney；　Priestley's　Essay　on　the　first

Principles　of　Government；　Chipman's　Principles　of　Government；　&　the

Federalist。　　Adding；　perhaps；　Beccaria　on　crimes　&　punishments；

because　of　the　demonstrative　manner　in　which　he　has　treated　that

branch　of　the　subject。　　If　your　views　of　political　inquiry　go

further；　to　the　subjects　of　money　&　commerce；　Smith's　Wealth　of

Nations　is　the　best　book　to　be　read；　unless　Say's　Political　Economy

can　be　had；　which　treats　the　same　subject　on　the　same　principles；　but

in　a　shorter　compass　&　more　lucid　manner。　　But　I　believe　this　work

has　not　been　translated　into　our　language。




　　　　　　　　History；　in　general；　only　informs　us　what　bad　government　is。

But　as　we　have　employed　some　of　the　best　materials　of　the　British

constitution　in　the　construction　of　our　own　government；　a　knolege　of

British　history　becomes　useful　to　the　American　politician。　　There　is；

however；　no　general　history　of　that　country　which　can　be　recommended。

The　elegant　one　of　Hume　seems　intended　to　disguise　&　discredit　the

good　principles　of　the　government；　and　is　so　plausible　&　pleasing　in

it's　style　&　manner；　as　to　instil　it's　errors　&　heresies　insensibly

into　the　minds　of　unwary　readers。　　Baxter　has　performed　a　good

operation　on　it。　　He　has　taken　the　text　of　Hume　as　his　ground　work；

abridging　it　by　the　omission　of　some　details　of　little　interest；　and

wherever　he　has　found　him　endeavoring　to　mislead；　by　either　the

suppression　of　a　truth　or　by　giving　it　a　false　coloring；　he　has

changed　the　text　to　what　it　should　be；　so　that　we　may　properly　call

it　Hume's　history　republicanised。　　He　has　moreover　continued　the

history　（but　indifferently）　from　where　Hume　left　it；　to　the　year

1800。　　The　work　is　not　popular　in　England；　because　it　is　republican；

and　but　a　few　copies　have　ever　reached　America。　　It　is　a　single　4to。

volume。　　Adding　to　this　Ludlow's　Memoirs；　Mrs。　M'Cauley's　&　Belknap's

histories；　a　sufficient　view　will　be　presented　of　the　free　principles

of　the　English　constitution。




　　　　　　　　To　your　request　of　my　opinion　of　the　manner　in　which　a

newspaper　should　be　conducted；　so　as　to　be　most　useful；　I　should

answer；　‘by　restraining　it　to　true　facts　&　sound　principles　only。'

Yet　I　fear　such　a　paper　would　find　few　subscribers。　　It　is　a

melancholy　truth；　that　a　suppression　of　the　press　could　not　more

compleatly　deprive　the　nation　of　it's　benefits；　than　is　done　by　it's

abandoned　prostitution　to　falsehood。　　Nothing　can　now　be　believed

which　is　seen　in　a　newspaper。　　Truth　itself　becomes　suspicious　by

being　put　into　that　polluted