heretics-第44章
按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页,按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页,按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
————未阅读完?加入书签已便下次继续阅读!
to be more or less divine。 The thing which is really undemocratic
and unfraternal is to say; as so many modern humanitarians say;
〃Of course one must make allowances for those on a lower plane。〃
All things considered indeed; it may be said; without undue exaggeration;
that the really undemocratic and unfraternal thing is the common
practice of not kicking the butler downstairs。
It is only because such a vast section of the modern world is
out of sympathy with the serious democratic sentiment that this
statement will seem to many to be lacking in seriousness。
Democracy is not philanthropy; it is not even altruism or social reform。
Democracy is not founded on pity for the common man; democracy is
founded on reverence for the common man; or; if you will; even on
fear of him。 It does not champion man because man is so miserable;
but because man is so sublime。 It does not object so much
to the ordinary man being a slave as to his not being a king;
for its dream is always the dream of the first Roman republic;
a nation of kings。
Next to a genuine republic; the most democratic thing
in the world is a hereditary despotism。 I mean a despotism
in which there is absolutely no trace whatever of any
nonsense about intellect or special fitness for the post。
Rational despotismthat is; selective despotismis always
a curse to mankind; because with that you have the ordinary
man misunderstood and misgoverned by some prig who has no
brotherly respect for him at all。 But irrational despotism
is always democratic; because it is the ordinary man enthroned。
The worst form of slavery is that which is called Caesarism;
or the choice of some bold or brilliant man as despot because
he is suitable。 For that means that men choose a representative;
not because he represents them; but because he does not。
Men trust an ordinary man like George III or William IV。
because they are themselves ordinary men and understand him。
Men trust an ordinary man because they trust themselves。
But men trust a great man because they do not trust themselves。
And hence the worship of great men always appears in times
of weakness and cowardice; we never hear of great men until
the time when all other men are small。
Hereditary despotism is; then; in essence and sentiment
democratic because it chooses from mankind at random。
If it does not declare that every man may rule; it declares
the next most democratic thing; it declares that any man may rule。
Hereditary aristocracy is a far worse and more dangerous thing;
because the numbers and multiplicity of an aristocracy make it
sometimes possible for it to figure as an aristocracy of intellect。
Some of its members will presumably have brains; and thus they;
at any rate; will be an intellectual aristocracy within the social one。
They will rule the aristocracy by virtue of their intellect;
and they will rule the country by virtue of their aristocracy。
Thus a double falsity will be set up; and millions of the images
of God; who; fortunately for their wives and families; are neither
gentlemen nor clever men; will be represented by a man like Mr。 Balfour
or Mr。 Wyndham; because he is too gentlemanly to be called
merely clever; and just too clever to be called merely a gentleman。
But even an hereditary aristocracy may exhibit; by a sort of accident;
from time to time some of the basically democratic quality which
belongs to a hereditary despotism。 It is amusing to think how much
conservative ingenuity has been wasted in the defence of the House
of Lords by men who were desperately endeavouring to prove that
the House of Lords consisted of clever men。 There is one really
good defence of the House of Lords; though admirers of the peerage
are strangely coy about using it; and that is; that the House
of Lords; in its full and proper strength; consists of stupid men。
It really would be a plausible defence of that otherwise indefensible
body to point out that the clever men in the Commons; who owed
their power to cleverness; ought in the last resort to be checked
by the average man in the Lords; who owed their power to accident。
Of course; there would be many answers to such a contention;
as; for instance; that the House of Lords is largely no longer
a House of Lords; but a House of tradesmen and financiers;
or that the bulk of the commonplace nobility do not vote; and so
leave the chamber to the prigs and the specialists and the mad old
gentlemen with hobbies。 But on some occasions the House of Lords;
even under all these disadvantages; is in some sense representative。
When all the peers flocked together to vote against Mr。 Gladstone's
second Home Rule Bill; for instance; those who said that the
peers represented the English people; were perfectly right。
All those dear old men who happened to be born peers were at that moment;
and upon that question; the precise counterpart of all the dear old
men who happened to be born paupers or middle…class gentlemen。
That mob of peers did really represent the English peoplethat is
to say; it was honest; ignorant; vaguely excited; almost unanimous;
and obviously wrong。 Of course; rational democracy is better as an
expression of the public will than the haphazard hereditary method。
While we are about having any kind of democracy; let it be
rational democracy。 But if we are to have any kind of oligarchy;
let it be irrational oligarchy。 Then at least we shall be ruled by men。
But the thing which is really required for the proper working of democracy
is not merely the democratic system; or even the democratic philosophy;
but the democratic emotion。 The democratic emotion; like most elementary
and indispensable things; is a thing difficult to describe at any time。
But it is peculiarly difficult to describe it in our enlightened age;
for the simple reason that it is peculiarly difficult to find it。
It is a certain instinctive attitude which feels the things
in which all men agree to be unspeakably important;
and all the things in which they differ (such as mere brains)
to be almost unspeakably unimportant。 The nearest approach to it
in our ordinary life would be the promptitude with which we should
consider mere humanity in any circumstance of shock or death。
We should say; after a somewhat disturbing discovery; 〃There is a dead
man under the sofa。〃 We should not be likely to say; 〃There is
a dead man of considerable personal refinement under the sofa。〃
We should say; 〃A woman has fallen into the water。〃 We should not say;
〃A highly educated woman has fallen into the water。〃 Nobody would say;
〃There are the remains of a clear thinker in your back garden。〃
Nobody would say; 〃Unless you hurry up and stop him; a man
with a very fine ear for music will have jumped off that cliff。〃
But this emotion; which all of us have in connection with such
things as birth and death; is to some people native and constant
at all ordinary times and in all ordinary places。 It was native
to St。 Francis of Assisi。 It was native to Walt Whitman。
In this strange and splendid degree it cannot be expected;
perhaps; to pervade a whole commonwealth or a whole civilization;
but one commonwealth may have it much more than another commonwealth;
one civilization much more than another civilization。
No community; perhaps; ever had it so much as the early Franciscans。
No community; perhaps; ever had it so little as ours。
Everything in our age has; when carefully examined; this fundamentally