the complete writings-3-第51章
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ed in Opechan Conough's relation of what I had described to him； and oft examined me upon the same。 Hee asked me the cause of our comming； I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie； being over powred； neare put to retreat； and by extreme weather put to this shore； where landing at Chesipiack； the people shot us； but at Kequoughtan they kindly used us； wee by signes demaunded fresh water； they described us up the River was all fresh water； at Paspahegh； also they kindly used us； our Pinnasse being leake wee were inforced to stay to mend her； till Captain Newport my father came to conduct us away。 He demaunded why we went further with our Boate； I tolde him； in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea； that on the other side the maine； where was salt water； my father had a childe slaine； which we supposed Monocan his enemie； whose death we intended to revenge。 After good deliberation； hee began to describe me the countreys beyond the Falles； wiih many of the rest； confirming what not only Opechancanoyes； and an Indian which had been prisoner to Pewhatan had before tolde mee； but some called it five days； some sixe； some eight； where the sayde water dashed amongst many stones and rocks； each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee brackish： Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that had slaine my brother； whose death hee would revenge。 Hee described also upon the same Sea； a mighty nation called Pocoughtronack； a fierce nation that did eate men and warred with the people of Moyaoncer； and Pataromerke； Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay； under his territories； where the yeare before they had slain an hundred； he signified their crownes were shaven； long haire in the necke； tied on a knot； Swords like Pollaxes。
〃 Beyond them he described people with short Coates； and Sleeves to the Elbowes； that passed that way in Shippes like ours。 Many Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay； which seemed to bee a mightie River； issuing from mightie mountaines； betwixt the two seas； the people clothed at Ocamahowan。 He also confirmed； and the Southerly Countries also； as the rest； that reported us to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge； two dayes of Chawwonock； 6 from Roonock； to the South part of the backe sea： he described a countrie called Anone； where they have abundance of Brasse； and houses walled as ours。 I requited his discourse； seeing what pride he had in his great and spacious Dominions； seeing that all hee knewe were under his Territories。
〃 In describing to him the territories of Europe which was subject to our great King whose subject I was； the innumerable multitude of his ships； I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets and terrible manner of fighting were under Captain Newport my father； whom I intituled the Meworames which they call King of all the waters； at his greatnesse bee admired and not a little feared； he desired mee to forsake Paspahegh； and to live with him upon his River； a countrie called Capa Howasicke； he promised to give me corne； venison； or what I wanted to feede us； Hatchets and Copper wee should make him； and none should disturbe us。 This request I promised to performe： and thus having with all the kindnes hee could devise； sought to content me； he sent me home with 4 men； one that usually carried my Gonne and Knapsacke after me； two other loded with bread； and one to accompanie me。〃
The next extract in regard to this voyage is from President Wingfield's 〃Discourse of Virginia；〃 which appears partly in the form of a diary； but was probably drawn up or at least finished shortly after Wingfield's return to London in May； 1608。 He was in Jamestown when Smith returned from his captivity； and would be likely to allude to the romantic story of Pocahontas if Smith had told it on his escape。 We quote：
〃Decem。 The 10th of December； Mr。 Smyth went up the ryver of the Chechohomynies to trade for corne； he was desirous to see the heade of that river； and； when it was not passible with the shallop； he hired a cannow and an Indian to carry him up further。 The river the higher grew worse and worse。 Then hee went on shoare with his guide； and left Robinson and Emmery； and twoe of our Men； in the cannow； which were presently slayne by the Indians； Pamaonke's men； and hee himself taken prysoner； and； by the means of his guide； his lief was saved； and Pamaonche； haveing him prisoner； carryed him to his neybors wyroances； to see if any of them knew him for one of those which had bene； some two or three eeres before us； in a river amongst them Northward； and taken awaie some Indians from them by force。 At last he brought him to the great Powaton （of whome before wee had no knowledg）； who sent him home to our towne the 8th of January。〃
The next contemporary document to which we have occasion to refer is Smith's Letter to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia in England； written in Virginia after the arrival of Newport there in September； 1608； and probably sent home by him near the close of that year。 In this there is no occasion for a reference to Powhatan or his daughter； but he says in it： 〃I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers； with an annexed Relation of the Countryes and Nations that inhabit them as you may see at large。〃 This is doubtless the 〃Map of Virginia；〃 with a description of the country； published some two or three years after Smith's return to England； at Oxford； 1612。 It is a description of the country and people； and contains little narrative。 But with this was published； as an appendix； an account of the proceedings of the Virginia colonists from 1606 to 1612； taken out of the writings of Thomas Studley and several others who had been residents in Virginia。 These several discourses were carefully edited by William Symonds； a doctor of divinity and a man of learning and repute； evidently at the request of Smith。 To the end of the volume Dr。 Symonds appends a note addressed to Smith； saying： 〃I return you the fruit of my labors； as Mr。 Cranshaw requested me； which I bestowed in reading the discourses and hearing the relations of such as have walked and observed the land of Virginia with you。〃 These narratives by Smith's companions； which he made a part of his Oxford book； and which passed under his eye and had his approval； are uniformly not only friendly to him； but eulogistic of him； and probably omit no incident known to the writers which would do him honor or add interest to him as a knight of romance。 Nor does it seem probable that Smith himself would have omitted to mention the dramatic scene of the prevented execution if it had occurred to him。 If there had been a reason in the minds of others in 1608 why it should not appear in the 〃True Relation；〃 that reason did not exist for Smith at this time； when the discords and discouragements of the colony were fully known。 And by this time the young girl Pocahontas had become well known to the colonists at Jamestown。 The account of this Chickahominy voyage given in this volume； published in 1612； is signed by Thomas Studley； and is as follows：
'The next voyage he proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage； but when his Barge could passe no farther； he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot； commanding none should go ashore till his returne； himselfe with 2 English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe； but he was not long absent； but his men went ashore； whose want of government gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Casson； and much failed not to have cut of the boat and all the rest。 Smith little dreaming of that accident； being got to the marshes at the river's head； 20 miles in the desert； had his 2 men slaine （as is supposed） sleeping by the Canowe； whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victual； who finding he was beset by 200 Salvages； 2 of them he slew； stil defending himselfe with the aid of a Salvage his guid （whome bee bound to his arme and used as his buckler）； till at last slipping into a bogmire they tooke him prisoner： when this news came to the fort much was their sorrow for his losse； fewe expecting what ensued。 A month thos
