william ewart gladstone-第4章

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declarations　against　the　Irish　church　establishment　in　1868；　against
the　Turks　and　the　traditional　English　policy　of　supporting　them　in
1876；　and　in　favor　of　Irish　home　rule　in　1886；did　any　popular
demand　suggest　his　pronouncement。　　It　was　the　masses　who　took　their
view　from　him；　not　he　who　took　his　mandate　from　the　masses。　　In　all
of　these　instances　he　was　at　the　time　in　opposition；　and　was　accused
of　having　made　this　new　departure　for　the　sake　of　recovering　power。
In　the　two　former　he　prevailed；　and　was　ultimately　admitted；　by　his
more　candid　adversaries；　to　have　counseled　wisely。　　In　all　of　them
he　may；　perhaps；　be　censured　for　not　having　sooner　perceived；　or　at
any　rate　for　not　having　sooner　announced；　the　need　for　reform。　　But
it　was　very　characteristic　of　him　not　to　give　the　full　strength　of
his　mind　to　a　question　till　he　felt　that　it　pressed　for　a　solution。
Those　who　discussed　politics　with　him　were　scarcely　more　struck　by
the　range　of　his　vision　and　his　power　of　correlating　principles　and
details　than　by　his　unwillingness　to　commit　himself　on　matters　whose
decision　he　could　postpone。　　Reticence　and　caution　were　sometimes
carried　too　far；　not　merely　because　they　exposed　him　to
misconstruction；　but　because　they　withheld　from　his　party　the
guidance　it　needed。　　This　was　true　in　all　the　three　instances　just
mentioned；　and　in　the　last　of　them　his　reticence　probably
contributed　to　the　separation　from　him　of　some　of　his　former
colleagues。　　Nor　did　he　always　rightly　divine　the　popular　mind。
Absorbed　in　his　own　financial　views；　he　omitted　to　note　the　change
that　had　been　in　progress　between　1862　and　1874；　and　thus　his
proposal　in　the　latter　year　to　extinguish　the　income　tax　fell
completely　flat。　　He　often　failed　to　perceive　how　much　the　credit　of
his　party　was　suffering　from　the　belief；　quite　groundless　so　far　as
he　personally　was　concerned；　that　his　government　was　indifferent　to
what　are　called　Imperial　interests；　the　interests　of　England　outside
England。　　But　he　always　thought　for　himself；　and　never　stooped　to
flatter　the　prejudices　or　inflame　the　passions　of　any　class　in　the
community。

Though　the　power　of　reading　the　signs　of　the　times　and　moving　the
mind　of　the　nation　as　a　whole　may　be　now　more　essential　to　an
English　statesman　than　the　skill　which　manages　a　legislature　or
holds　together　a　cabinet；　that　skill　counts　for　much；　and　must
continue　to　do　so　while　the　House　of　Commons　remains　the　supreme
governing　authority　of　the　country。　　A　man　can　hardly　reach　high
place；　and　certainly　cannot　retain　high　place；　without　possessing
this　kind　of　art。　　Mr。　Gladstone　was　at　one　time　thought　to　want　it。
In　1864；　when　Lord　Palmerston's　end　was　evidently　near　and　Mr。
Gladstone　had　shown　himself　the　most　brilliant　and　capable　man　among
the　Liberal　ministers　in　the　House　of　Common's；　people　speculated
about　the　succession　to　the　headship　of　the　party；　and　the　wiseacres
of　the　day　were　never　tired　of　repeating　that　Mr。　Gladstone　could
not　possibly　lead　the　House　of　Commons。　　He　wanted　tact　（they　said）；
he　was　too　excitable；　too　impulsive；　too　much　absorbed　in　his　own
ideas；　too　unversed　in　the　arts　by　which　individuals　are
conciliated。　　But　when；　after　twenty…five　years　of　his　unquestioned
reign；　the　time　for　his　own　departure　drew　nigh；　men　asked　how　the
Liberal　party　in　the　House　of　Commons　would　ever　hold　together　after
it　had　lost　a　leader　of　such　consummate　capacity。　　Seldom　has　a
prediction　been　more　utterly　falsified　than　that　of　the　Whig　critics
of　1864。　　They　had　grown　so　accustomed　to　Palmerston's　way　of
handling　the　House　as　to　forget　that　a　man　might　succeed　by　quite
different　methods。　　And　they　forgot　also　that　a　man　may　have　many
defects　and　yet　in　spite　of　them　be　incomparably　the　fittest　for　a
great　place。

Mr。　Gladstone　had　the　defects　that　were　ascribed　to　him。　　His
impulsiveness　sometimes　betrayed　him　into　declarations　which　a
cooler　man　would　have　abstained　from。　　The　second　reading　of　the
Irish　Home…Rule　Bill　of　1886　would　probably　have　been　carried　had　he
not　been　goaded　by　his　opponents　into　words　which　seemed　to　recall
or　modify　the　concessions　he　had　announced　at　a　meeting　of　the
Liberal　party　held　just　before。　　More　than　once　precious　time　was
wasted　in　useless　debates　because　his　antagonists；　knowing　his
excitable　temper；　brought　on　discussions　with　the　sole　object　of
annoying　him　and　drawing　from　him　some　hasty　deliverance。　　Nor　was
he　an　adept；　like　Disraeli　and　Sir　John　A。　Macdonald；　in　the
management　of　individuals。　　He　had　a　contempt　for　the　meaner　side　of
human　nature　which　made　him　refuse　to　play　upon　it。　　He　had
comparatively　little　sympathy　with　many　of　the　pursuits　which
attract　ordinary　men；　and　he　was　too　constantly　engrossed　by　the
subjects　of　enterprises　which　specially　appealed　to　him　to　have
leisure　for　the　lighter　but　often　very　important　devices　of
political　strategy。　　A　trifling　anecdote；　which　was　told　in　London
about　twenty…five　years　ago；　may　illustrate　this　characteristic。
Mr。　Delane；　then　editor　of　the　〃Times；〃　had　been　invited　to　meet　the
prime　minister　at　a　moment　when　the　support　of　the　〃Times〃　would
have　been　specially　valuable　to　the　Liberal　government。　　Instead　of
using　the　opportunity　to　set　forth　his　policy　and　invite　an　opinion
on　it；　Mr。　Gladstone　talked　the　whole　time　of　dinner　upon　the
question　of　the　exhaustion　of　the　English　coal…beds；　to　the　surprise
of　the　company　and　the　unconcealed　annoyance　of　the　powerful　guest。
It　was　the　subject　then　uppermost　in　his　mind；　and　he　either　did　not
think　of　winning　Mr。　Delane　or　disdained　to　do　so。　　In　the　House　of
Commons　he　was　entirely　free　from　airs；　or；　indeed；　from　any　sort　of
assumption　of　superiority。　　The　youngest　member　might　accost　him　in
the　lobby　and　be　listened　to　with　perfect　courtesy。　　But　he　seldom
addressed　any　one　outside　his　own　very　small　group　of　friends；　and
more　than　once　made　enemies　by　omitting　to　notice　and　show　some
attention　to　members　of　his　party　who；　having　been　eminent　in　their
own　towns；　expected　to　be　made　much　of　when　they　entered　Parliament。
Having　himself　plenty　of　pride　and　comparatively　little　vanity；　he
never　realized　the　extent　to　which；　and　the　cheapness　with　which；
men　can　be　captured　and　used　through　their　vanity。　　And　his　mind；
flexible　as　it　was　in　seizing　new　points　of　view　and　devising
expedients　to　meet　new　circumstances；　did　not　easily　enter　into　the
characters　of　other　men。　　Ideas　and　causes　interested　him　more　than
personal　traits　did；　his　sympathy　was　keener　and　stronger　for　the
sufferings　of　nations　or　masses　of　men　than　with　the　fortunes　of　a
particular　person。　　With　all　his　accessibility　and　immensely　wide
circle　of　acquaintances；　he　was　at　bottom　a　man　chary　of　real
friendship；　while　the　circle　of　his　intimates　became　constantly
smaller　with　advancing　years。

So　it　befell　that　though　his　popularity　among　the　general　body　of
his　adherents　went　on　increasing；　and　the　admiration　of　his
parliamentary　followers　remained　undiminished；　he　had　few　intimate
friends；　few　men　in　the　House　of　Commons　who　linked　him　to　the　party
at　large　and　rendered　to　him　those　confidential　personal　services
which　count　for　much　in　keeping　a　party　in　hearty　accord　and
enabling　the　commander　to　gage　the　sentiment　of　his　troops。　　Thus
adherents　were　lost　who　turned　into　dangerous　foeslost　for　the
want　not　so　much　of　tact　as　of　a　sense　for　the　need　and　use　of　tact
in　humoring　and　managing　men。

If；　however；　we　speak　of　parliamentary　strategy　in　its　larger　sense；
as　covering　familiarity　with　parliamentary　forms　and　usages；　the
powers　of　seizing　a　parliamentary　situation　and　knowing　how　to　deal
with　it；　the　art　of　guiding　a　debate　and　choosing　the　right　moment
for　reserve　and　for　openness；　for　a　dignified　retreat；　for　a
watchful　defense；　for　a　sudden　rattling　charge　upon　the　enemy；　no
one　had　a　fuller　mastery　of　it。　　His　recollection　of　precedents　was
unrivaled；　for　it　began　in　1833　with　the　first　reformed　Parliament；
and　it　seemed　as　fresh　for　those　remote　days　as　for　last　month。　　He
enjoyed　combat　for　its　own　sake；　not　so　much　from　any　inborn
pugnacity；　for　he　was　not　disputatious　in　ordina