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第14章

essays and lectures-第14章

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elements under consideration is the result of the employment of the

abstract method; even within the limit thus obtained a certain

selection must be made; and a selection involves a theory。  For the

facts of life cannot be tabulated with as great an ease as the

colours of birds and insects can be tabulated。  Now; Polybius

points out that those phenomena particularly are to be dwelt on

which may serve as a 'Greek text which cannot be reproduced' or

sample; and show the character of the tendencies of the age as

clearly as 'a single drop from a full cask will be enough to

disclose the nature of the whole contents。'  This recognition of

the importance of single facts; not in themselves but because of

the spirit they represent; is extremely scientific; for we know

that from the single bone; or tooth even; the anatomist can

recreate entirely the skeleton of the primeval horse; and the

botanist tell the character of the flora and fauna of a district

from a single specimen。



Regarding truth as 'the most divine thing in Nature;' the very 'eye

and light of history without which it moves a blind thing;'

Polybius spared no pains in the acquisition of historical materials

or in the study of the sciences of politics and war; which he

considered were so essential to the training of the scientific

historian; and the labour he took is mirrored in the many ways in

which he criticises other authorities。



There is something; as a rule; slightly contemptible about ancient

criticism。  The modern idea of the critic as the interpreter; the

expounder of the beauty and excellence of the work he selects;

seems quite unknown。  Nothing can be more captious or unfair; for

instance; than the method by which Aristotle criticised the ideal

state of Plato in his ethical works; and the passages quoted by

Polybius from Timaeus show that the latter historian fully deserved

the punning name given to him。  But in Polybius there is; I think;

little of that bitterness and pettiness of spirit which

characterises most other writers; and an incidental story he tells

of his relations with one of the historians whom he criticised

shows that he was a man of great courtesy and refinement of taste …

as; indeed; befitted one who had lived always in the society of

those who were of great and noble birth。



Now; as regards the character of the canons by which he criticises

the works of other authors; in the majority of cases he employs

simply his own geographical and military knowledge; showing; for

instance; the impossibility in the accounts given of Nabis's march

from Sparta simply by his acquaintance with the spots in question;

or the inconsistency of those of the battle of Issus; or of the

accounts given by Ephorus of the battles of Leuctra and Mantinea。

In the latter case he says; if any one will take the trouble to

measure out the ground of the site of the battle and then test the

manoeuvres given; he will find how inaccurate the accounts are。



In other cases he appeals to public documents; the importance of

which he was always foremost in recognising; showing; for instance;

by a document in the public archives of Rhodes how inaccurate were

the accounts given of the battle of Lade by Zeno and Antisthenes。

Or he appeals to psychological probability; rejecting; for

instance; the scandalous stories told of Philip of Macedon; simply

from the king's general greatness of character; and arguing that a

boy so well educated and so respectably connected as Demochares

(xii。 14) could never have been guilty of that of which evil rumour

accused him。



But the chief object of his literary censure is Timaeus; who had

been unsparing of his strictures on others。  The general point

which he makes against him; impugning his accuracy as a historian;

is that he derived his knowledge of history not from the dangerous

perils of a life of action but in the secure indolence of a narrow

scholastic life。  There is; indeed; no point on which he is so

vehement as this。  'A history;' he says; 'written in a library

gives as lifeless and as inaccurate a picture of history as a

painting which is copied not from a living animal but from a

stuffed one。'



There is more difference; he says in another place; between the

history of an eye…witness and that of one whose knowledge comes

from books; than there is between the scenes of real life and the

fictitious landscapes of theatrical scenery。  Besides this; he

enters into somewhat elaborate detailed criticism of passages where

he thought Timaeus was following a wrong method and perverting

truth; passages which it will be worth while to examine in detail。



Timaeus; from the fact of there being a Roman custom to shoot a

war…horse on a stated day; argued back to the Trojan origin of that

people。  Polybius; on the other hand; points out that the inference

is quite unwarrantable; because horse…sacrifices are ordinary

institutions common to all barbarous tribes。  Timaeus here; as was

common with Greek writers; is arguing back from some custom of the

present to an historical event in the past。  Polybius really is

employing the comparative method; showing how the custom was an

ordinary step in the civilisation of every early people。



In another place; (21) he shows how illogical is the scepticism of

Timaeus as regards the existence of the Bull of Phalaris simply by

appealing to the statue of the Bull; which was still to be seen in

Carthage; pointing out how impossible it was; on any other theory

except that it belonged to Phalaris; to account for the presence in

Carthage of a bull of this peculiar character with a door between

his shoulders。  But one of the great points which he uses against

this Sicilian historian is in reference to the question of the

origin of the Locrian colony。  In accordance with the received

tradition on the subject; Aristotle had represented the Locrian

colony as founded by some Parthenidae or slaves' children; as they

were called; a statement which seems to have roused the indignation

of Timaeus; who went to a good deal of trouble to confute this

theory。  He does so on the following grounds:…



First of all; he points out that in the ancient days the Greeks had

no slaves at all; so the mention of them in the matter is an

anachronism; and next he declares that he was shown in the Greek

city of Locris certain ancient inscriptions in which their relation

to the Italian city was expressed in terms of the position between

parent and child; which showed also that mutual rights of

citizenship were accorded to each city。  Besides this; he appeals

to various questions of improbability as regards their

international relationship; on which Polybius takes diametrically

opposite grounds which hardly call for discussion。  And in favour

of his own view he urges two points more:  first; that the

Lacedaemonians being allowed furlough for the purpose of seeing

their wives at home; it was unlikely that the Locrians should not

have had the same privilege; and next; that the Italian Locrians

knew nothing of the Aristotelian version and had; on the contrary;

very severe laws against adulterers; runaway slaves and the like。

Now; most of these questions rest on mere probability; which is

always such a subjective canon that an appeal to it is rarely

conclusive。  I would note; however; as regards the inscriptions

which; if genuine; would of course have settled the matter; that

Polybius looks on them as a mere invention on the part of Timaeus;

who; he remarks; gives no details about them; though; as a rule; he

is over…anxious to give chapter and verse for everything。  A

somewhat more interesting point is that where he attacks Timaeus

for the introduction of fictitious speeches into his narrative; for

on this point Polybius seems to be far in advance of the opinions

held by literary men on the subject not merely in his own day; but

for centuries after。



Herodotus had introduced spe

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